隐藏的工资员工福利和工作场所结构的不平等【外文翻译】

原文：

The Hidden Payroll: Employee Benefits and the Structure of

Workplace Inequality

Angela M. O'Rand

Employee

benefits

contribute

to

the

stratification

of

the

labor

force

into

occupational markets. Employee benefits and earnings form

available

in

different

combinations

and

at

different

levels

to

occupations

located

in

different

labor

markets.

In

this

study

I

have

merged

and

aggregated

data

from

the

Current

Population

Survey

Pension

Supplement

in

1979

at

the

detailed

occupation

level

with

data

from

the

Fourth

Edition

of

the

Dictionary

of

Occupational

Titles

to

examine

the

relative

importance

of

workforce

characteristics,

occupational

content,

and

labor

market

context

in

the

provision

of

selected

employee

benefits

both

separately and in combinations with earnings. The analyses reveal that fringe benefits

are structurally-determined factors that represent a dimension of the reward structure

of occupations different from earnings, but they combine with earnings to stratify the

workplace into occupational markets.

Pensions provide the best documented example of the variation in fringe benefits.

Slightly more than half of the workforce in 1979 was in pension-covered employment,

the highest level of coverage in history (O'Rand, 1985). Pension covered employment

was

concentrated

in

public

and

private

industries

(Beck,

Horan

and

Tolbert,

1978). But even in core industries, pension coverage is typically limited to those who

work full time (Slavick, 1966; O'Rand and MacLean, 1986). Plans also have vesting

schedules,

i.e.,

minimum

requirements

for

service

and

participation

in

order for an employee to become eligible for a benefit. These service schedules often

discriminate

against

workers

with

interrupted

service

resulting

from

layoffs

or

needs,

such

as

childbirth,

although

pension

legislation

beginning

in

the

1970s (e.g., the Employee Retirement, Income Security Act in 1974) was targeted to

protect the employee's rights in the latter case.

In addition to their uneven availability, fringe benefits are often

for work. They are not widely negotiated in the labor market (union contracts cover

less

than

one-third

of

the

workforce),

although

those

markets

with

strong

unionization

and/or

professionalization

are

more

likely

to

publicize

these

forms

of

compensation. Moreover, they are not usually advertised in the way that wages are.

Also,

they

are

either

or

rewards.

Pensions

are

long-term

contracts

for

deferred

earnings

(Lazear,

1979,

1983).

Eligibility

for

a

pension

is

achieved

following

a

prescribed

service

schedule

and

final

benefits

often

do

not

accrue

until

a

designated

retirement

age,

even

if

the

worker

leaves

the

firm

with

eligibility at a younger age.

Health

and

disability

insurance

coverages,

on

tile

other

hand,

are

rewards, held in reserve and made available episodically and on a need basis, but not

as continuous or deferred returns for work as in the cases of earnings mad pensions,

respectively.

These

benefits

provide

income

security

in

the

case

of

health- related

interruptions to work or premature severance from a job as a result of disability. More

often

than

pensions,

they

require

worker

contributions

(though

not

always).

Consequently,

they

represent

a

different

kind

of

benefit

that

may

be

more

closely

related to the intrinsic characteristics of a job, e.g., physical or stress-related demands,

or

to

the

socioeconomic

status

of

workers

that

affects

their

ability

to

pay

for

such

coverage,

or

both.

Also,

reserve

benefits

may

reflect

short-term

as

opposed

to

long- term

strategies

by

employers

to

hold

their

workforces

by

discouraging

job

mobility.

OCCUPATIONS AND MARKETS

Two perspectives predominate in the study of the stratification of the workforce.

The

first,

which

can

be

labeled

the

thesis

of

industrialism,

focuses

on

the

intrinsic

features and reward values of occupations (Kerr et al., 1960; Treiman, 1977; Hauser

and Featherman, 1977). In this approach, job content and skill level are central in the

determination

of

rewards

for

work,

with

the

latter

measured

typically

as

earnings

and/or occupational prestige. The focus is on occupations, with little attention to the

industrial context. Rewards derive from the intrinsic features of jobs and their relative