2019年6月+11月Catti英语二级笔译真题与精编翻译答案 唯一版2019年全年CATTI真题与答案

”

。

Although

the

program

made

only

modest

improvements

in

students’

math

scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for

which it was slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea

Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an

unlikely

coalition

of

corporate

philanthropists,

educational

technology

entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of

school

reform

characterized

by

the

overvaluing

of

technology

and

standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend

can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by

President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence

in Education.

Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with

President

Reagan’s

disdain

for

public

education

(and

teachers’

unions),

“A

Nation

at

Risk”

blamed

America’s

ineffectual

schools

for

a

“rising

tide

of

mediocrity”

that

was

diminishing

America’s

global

role

in

a

new

high

-tech

world.

尽管该课程并未在大幅提升学生的数学成绩方面 起到立竿见影的效果，

而且也只

有少数几所纽约的学校采用了（ 并非预期的

50

所学校）该课程，然而，这却是

安德烈埃加博尔在

《教育战争》

一书中所描绘的有关教 学改革模式的一个典型实

例。三十多年以来，一股看似不大可能结成统一战线的、由众多 企业慈善家、教

育技术企业家与公共教育官员们率先发起的学校教学改革风潮，

其特征就在于极

其重视技术和标准化测验，

同时 ，

弱化教师与社会的职能。

而这一风气甚至可以

追溯至罗纳德里根政府执政时期的

“

国家教育卓越委员 会

”

于

1983

年所发布的一

份言辞浮夸的报告即：

《处于危险中的美国》。 在日本经济腾飞的大背景下，里

根总统曾对美国的公共教育

（与 教师工会）

尽显不屑之情。

与此遥相呼应地是

< br>《处

于危险中的美国》也将美国

“

平庸之辈层出不穷

”

归咎于美国学校教育的无能，斥

责庸人正在不断地削弱美国在全球高新科技领域里的影响力。

Policymakers

turned

their

focus

to

public

education

as

a

matter

of

national

security,

one

too

important

(and

potentially

too

profitable)

to

entrust

to

educators.

The

notion

that

top- down

decisions

by

politicians,

not

teachers,

should

determine

what

children

need

was

a

thread

running

through

the

bipartisan 2001 No Child L

eft Behind Act, the Obama administration’s Race to

the

Top

and

state- initiated

Common

Core

standards,

and

the

current

charter-

driven agenda of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos. “Accountability”

became synonymous with standardized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut

with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson.

决策者随后放眼公共教育领域。

在决策者们看来，

公共 教育已上升至国家安全的

高度。

教育如此事关重大

（或潜在的高盈利性）

已完全无法让决策者安心地将发

展公共教育的任务托付于教育部门。

甚至有观点认为，

儿童教 育的需求应当由政

治人物（而不是教师群体）进行自上而下的政策来加以决断。自

2001

年美国两

党支持通过的

“

有教无类法案

”

，到奥巴 马政府时期的

“

力争上游

”

起的通用核心课程标准，

再到现任 美国教育部长贝琪德沃斯所推行的特许学校议

程，这一观念始终无出左右。

“

责任制

”

已成为标准化测 验的代名词，这也导致了

皮尔逊等教育测试领域里的大体量、高利润机构进驻转型为商业 出版巨头。

The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of

whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the

test

is

good

pedagogy,

but

what

are

the

options

when

students’

future

educational choices, teachers’ salaries and retention and, in some states, the

fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous detail, Gabor

documents r

eform’s institutional failings. She describes the turns in New York

City’s

testing

-

obsessed

policies,

the

undermining

of

Michigan’s

once

fine

public

schools

and

the

heartbreaking

failure

of

New

Orleans

to

remake

its

schools after Hurricane Katrina.

教育引发的战争使教员队伍士气低落，有超过

17%

的老师在其入职不到五年的

时间里选择了离职。

尽管人们都认为 应试教育不是一种行之有效的教学模式，

然

而，

当学生在为自己的继续教育做决定时，

当决定老师的薪资与留任与否时；

乃

至美国某些州整所学校的前途与命运都被学生的测验成绩所左右时，

师生们真可

谓是别无选择。

加博尔在书 中极为详尽地赘述了教育改革的制度缺陷：

纽约市教

育测验的狂 热政策引发了诸多转变；

密歇根州公立学校的昔日优势难以为续。

卡

特里娜飓风肆虐过后，新奥尔良市在改造学校中亦遭遇着令人揪心的困境。

英译汉

第二篇文章

Angkor

is

one

of

the

most

important

archaeological

sites

in

Southeast

Asia.

For

several

centuries,

Angkor

was

the

centre

of

the

Khmer

Kingdom.

With

impressive monuments, several different ancient urban plans and large water

reservoirs,

the

site

is

a

unique

concentration

of

features

testifying

to

an

exceptional civilization. Temples, exemplars of Khmer architecture, are closely

linked

to

their

geographical

context

as

well

as

being

imbued

with

symbolic

significance.

The

architecture

and

layout

of

the

successive

capitals

bear

witness to a high level of social order and ranking within the Khmer Empire.

Angkor is therefore a major site exemplifying cultural, religious and symbolic

values,

as

well

as

containing

high

architectural,

archaeological

and

artistic

significance.

几个世纪以来，

< br>吴哥一直都是高棉王国

的都城。

吴哥，

< br>历史遗迹令人印象尤为深刻，

众多古城池与大型水库遗址一道留

< br>存至今。

如此甚众的稀世遗迹汇聚于此，

昭示着吴哥曾经 存在过的高度文明。

寺

庙，

作为高棉的 典型建筑，

与其所处的周遭地理环境不仅息息相关，

更意义非凡 。

吴哥历代的都城建筑与布局风格，

无不见证着高棉帝国的社会 秩序与等级。

吴哥，

作为一处意义重大的历史遗迹，

考古与艺术内涵丰富，

而且彰显< /p>

出高度的文化、宗教与象征价值。

The

Angkor

complex

encompasses

all

major

architectural

buildings

and

hydrological

engineering

systems

from

the

Khmer

period.

All

the

individual

aspects illustrate the intactness of the site very much reflecting the splendor of

the

cities

that

once

were.

The

site

integrity

however,

is

put

under

dual

pressures: endogenous: exerted by more than 100,000 inhabitants distributed

over

112

historic

settlements

scattered

over

the

site,

who

constantly

try

to

expand their dwelling areas; exogenous: related to the proximity of the town of

Siem Reap, the seat of the province and a tourism hub.

吴哥建筑群落囊括了高棉时期所有重大建筑与水文工程 系统，

全方位地展现了该

地遗址的完整性，同时，亦全然呈现出 历代城池的辉煌与历史。然而，遗址的完

整性目前正面临着双重压力。压力之一源自遗迹 本身：遗址区域内散布着

112

个历史聚居点，居住着超过

10

万人的居民，而居民们也无不都在处心积虑地扩

大自身的地盘；

压力之二源自外部：

吴哥毗邻暹粒镇。

而暹粒镇不仅是暹粒省首

府，更是一处旅游中心。

Angkor

is

one

of

the

largest

archaeological

sites

in

operation

in

the

world.

Tourism represents an enormous economic potential but it can also generate

irreparable destructions of the tangible as well as intangible cultural heritage.

Many

research

projects

have

been

undertaken,

since

the

international

safeguarding program was first launched in 1993. The scientific objectives of

the research (e.g. anthropological studies on socio-economic conditions) result

in

a

better

knowledge

and

understanding

of

the

history

of

the

site,

and

its

inhabitants that constitute a rich exceptional legacy of the intangible heritage.

The purpose is to associate the “intangible culture” to the enhancement of the

monuments

in

order

to

sensitize

the

local

population

to

the

importance

and

necessity of its protection and preservation and assist in the development of

the site as Angkor is a living heritage site where Khmer people in general, but

especially the local population, are known to be particularly conservative with

respect

to

ancestral

traditions

and

where

they

adhere

to

a

great

number

of

archaic cultural practices that have disappeared elsewhere.

吴哥为世界上最大的处于经营性质的 考古遗址之一。

旅游业的蓬勃预示着巨大的

经济潜力，

但同时，

旅游业也可能会对物质和非物质文化遗产造成难以弥补的破

坏。自

1993

年启动有关实施吴哥遗迹的 国际保护计划以来，数年间，已就吴哥

开展了名目繁多的研究项目。

科学的研究目标

（如社会经济条件下的人类学研究）

使人们 得以更好地认识与了解吴哥遗址的历史以及那些缔造诸此璀璨非物质文

化遗产的当地居民 。

吴哥堪称历史文化的活化石，

这里的高棉人

< br>（尤其是当地人）

在继承先祖传统方面表现地尤为守旧，

而他们所坚守的大量古老文化习俗在其他

地方早已消亡殆尽，因此，开展这些旨在将

“

非物质文化

”

与 历史遗迹的保护结合

起来的研究，

方能使当地居民意识到吴哥遗 迹保护的重要性与必要性，

从而为当

地遗址的开发工作助一臂之 力。

Moreover,

the

Angkor

Archaeological

Park

is

very

rich

in

medicinal

plants,

used by the local population for treatment of diseases. The Preah Khan temple

is

considered

to

have

been

a

university

of

medicine

and

the

NeakPoan

an

ancient hospital.

此外，吴哥考古公园药 用植被遍布，种类繁多。当地人就地取材，治疗疾病。圣

剑寺曾为一所医药学府，而尼克 潘则是一家古老的医院。

中译英

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