-
Unit 1 The Hidden Side of
Happiness
1 Hurricanes,
house fires, cancer, whitewater rafting accidents,
plane
crashes, vicious attacks in dark
alleyways
. Nobody asks for
any of it. But
to their surprise, many
people find that enduring such a
harrowing
ordeal
ultimately
changes them
for the better
.
Their
refrain
might go
something
like this:
1
飓风、房屋失火、癌症、激流漂筏失事、坠机、昏暗小巷遭歹
徒袭击,没人想
找上这些事儿。但出人意料的是,很多人发现遭受这
样一次痛苦的磨难最终会使他们向好
的方面转变。
他们可能都会这样
说
:“
我希望这事没发生,但因为它我变得更完美了。
”
2 We love to hear the
stories of people who have been transformed
by their
tribulations
, perhaps
because they testify to a
bona
fide
type of
psychological
truth, one that sometimes gets lost amid endless
reports of
disaster: There seems to be
a built-in human capacity to flourish under the
most difficult circumstances. Positive
responses to profoundly disturbing
experiences are not limited to the
toughest or the bravest .In fact, roughly
half the people who struggle with
adversity
say that their
lives
subsequently in some ways
improved.
2
我们都爱听人们经历苦难后发生转变的
故事,可能是因为这些
故事证实了一条真正的心理学上的真理,
这条真理有时会湮没在无数
关于灾难的报道中
:
在最困难的境况中,人所具有的一种内在的奋发
向上的能力会进发出来。
对那些令人极度恐慌的经历作出积极回应的
并不仅限于最坚强或最勇敢
的人。
实际上,
大约半数与逆境抗争过的
人都说他们的生活从此在某些方面有了改善。
3 This and other promising findings
about the life-changing effects of
crises are the
province
of the new science
of post-
traumatic
growth.
This
fledgling field has already proved
the truth of what once passed as
bromide
: What doesn't kill
you can actually make you stronger.
Post-traumatic stress is far from the
only possible outcome.
In the wake
of
even the most terrifying
experiences, only a small proportion of adults
become chronically troubled. More
commonly, people rebound-or even
eventually thrive.
3
< br>诸如此类有关危机改变一生的发现有着可观的研究前景,这正
是创伤后成长这一新
学科的研究领域。
这一新兴领域已经证实了曾经
被视为陈词滥调
的一个真理
:
大难不死,意志弥坚。创伤后压力绝不
是唯一可能的结果。
在遭遇了即使最可怕的经历之后,
也只有一小部
分成年人会受到长期的心理折磨。
更常见的情
况是,
人们会恢复过来
—
甚至最终会成
功发达。
4 Those who weather adversity well are
living proof of the paradoxes
of
happiness. We need more than pleasure to live the
best possible life.
Our contemporary
quest for happiness has
shriveled
to a hunt for
bliss
-a
life
protected from bad feelings ,free from pain and
confusion.
4
那些经受
住苦难打击的人是有关幸福悖论的生动例证
:
为了尽
可能地过上最好的生活,
我们所需要的不仅仅是愉悦的感受。
我们这
个时代的人对幸福的追求已经缩小到只追求福气
:
一生没有烦恼,没
有痛苦和困惑。
5 This
anodyne
definition of well-
being leaves out the better half of
the
story, the rich, full joy that comes from a
meaningful life. It is the
dark matter
of happiness, the
ineffable
quality we admire in wise men and
women
and
aspire
to cultivate in
our own lives. It turns out that some of
the people who have suffered the most,
who have been forced to contend
with
shocks they never anticipated and to rethink the
meaning of their
lives, may have the
most to tell us about that profound and intensely
fulfilling journey that philosophers
used to call the search for
life
5
这种对幸福的平淡定义忽略了问题的主要方面
—
p>
种富有意义的
生活所带来的那种丰富、
完整
的愉悦。
那就是幸福背后隐藏的那种本
质
—
是我们在明智的男男女女身上所欣赏到并渴望在我们自己生活
中培育的那种不可言喻的品质。
事实证明,
一些遭受苦难最多
的人
—
他们被迫全力应付他们未曾预料到的打击,
并重新思考他们生活的意
义
—
或许对那种深刻的、给人以强烈满足感的人生经历
(
哲学家们
过
去称之为对
“
美好生活
”
的探寻
)
最有发言权。<
/p>
6
This broader definition of good living blends deep
satisfaction and a
profound connection
to others through empathy. It is dominated by
happy
feelings but seasoned also with
nostalgia
and regret.
one among many values in human
life,
psychologist at the University of
Missouri in Columbia. Compassion,
wisdom,
altruism
,
insight, creativity-sometimes only the trials of
adversity can foster these qualities,
because sometimes only drastic
situations can force us to take on the
painful process of change. To live a
full human life, a
tranquil
, carefree existence
is not enough. We also need
to grow-and
sometimes growing hurts.
6
这种
对美好生活的更为广泛的定义把深深的满足感和一种通过
移情与他人建立的深切联系融合
在一起。它主要受愉悦情感的支配,
但同时也夹杂着惆怅和悔恨。
密苏里大学哥伦比亚分校的心理学家劳
拉
.
< br>金认为
:“
幸福仅仅是许许多多人生价值中的一种。
p>
”
慈悲、智慧、
无私、洞察力及创造力
p>
—
有时只有经历逆境的考验才能形成这些品
质,因为有时只有极端的情形才能迫使我们去承受痛苦的改变过程。
只过安宁的、
无忧无虑的生活是不足以体验一段完整的人生的。
我们
也需要成长
-
尽管有时成长是痛苦的。
7 In a dark room in
Queens, New York, 31-year-old fashion designer
Tracy Cyr believed she was dying. A few
months before, she had stopped
taking
the powerful immune-suppressing drugs that kept
her arthritis in
check. She never
anticipated what would happen: a withdrawal
reactions
that eventually left her in
total body agony and neurological meltdown.
The slightest movement-trying to
swallow, fqr example-was excruciating.
Even the pressure of her cheek on the
pillow was almost unbearable.
7
< br>在纽约市皇后区一间漆黑的房间里,
31
岁的时装设计师
特蕾西
?
塞尔感到自己奄奄一息。
就在
几个月前,
她已经停止服用控制她关节
炎的强效免疫抑制药。她
从没预见到接下来将要发生的事
:
停药之后
的反应最终使她全身剧烈疼痛,
神经系统出现严重问题。
最
轻微的动
作
—
比如说试着吞咽
—
对她来说也痛苦不堪。
甚至将脸压在枕头上也
几乎难以忍受。
8 Cyr is no
wimp
-diagnosed with juvenile
rheumatoid arthritis at the
age of two,
she had endured the symptoms and the treatments
(drugs,
surgery) her whole life. But
this time, she was way6 past her limits, and
nothing her doctors did seemed to help.
Either the disease was going to
kill
her or, pretty soon, she felt she might have to
kill herself.
8
塞尔并不是懦弱的人。
她在两岁时就被诊断得了幼年型类风湿性
关节炎,一生都在忍受着病症
和治疗
(
药物、手术
)
的折磨。但是这一
次,她实在不堪忍受了,她的医生所做的一切似乎都不起作用
。要么
让疾病结束她的生命,要么她就得很快了结自己的生命了。
9 As her sleepless nights
wore on, though, her suicidal thoughts began
to be interrupted by new feelings of
gratitude. She was still in agony, but
a new consciousness grew stronger each
night: an awesome sense of
liberation,
combined with an
all-
encompassing
feeling of
sympathy and
compassion.
she
said six months later.
was useless-
time, money, self-image, perception. Recognizing
that was so
freeing.
9
然而,
在经历了若干个不眠之夜后,
她想自杀的念头开
始被新的
感激之情所打断。
虽然她仍然感到痛苦,
但一种新的意识每一夜都变
得更加强烈
:
一种令人惊叹的解脱感,结合着一种包容一切的同情和
怜悯的情感。
“
我感到一切我曾经用来认同自己身份的东西都被剥夺
了,
”
六个月后她这样说道,
“
一切我认为我知道或相信的事物
—
时
间、
金钱、自我形象、
对事物的看法
—
都毫无价值了。意识到这一点真是
让我感到解脱。
”
10 Within
a few months, she began to be able to move more
freely,
thanks to a cocktail of
steroids and other drugs. She says now there's no
question that her life is better.
and why we're here: to be happy and to
nurture other life. It's that
simple.
p>
10
在几个月内,得益于类固醇加其他药物的鸡尾酒疗法,她开始<
/p>
能够更加自如地活动了。
她说,
毫无疑问
她现在的生活状况有了好转。
“
我感觉我窥探到了生命的秘密以
及我们生存的意义,那就是快乐地
生活,同时扶持他人。就这么简单
!”
11 Her
mind-blowing
experience came
as a total surprise. But that
feeling
of transformation is in some ways typical, says
Rich Tedeschi, a
professor of
psychology at the University of North Carolina in
Charlotte
who coined the term
have endured extreme events, like
combat, violent crime or sudden
serious
illness show that most feel
dazed
and anxious in the
immediate
aftermath
; they
are
preoccupied
with the
idea that their lives have been
shattered. A few are haunted long
afterward by memory problems, sleep
trouble and similar symptoms of post-
traumatic stress disorder . But
Tedeschi and others have found that for
many people-perhaps even the
majority-
life ultimately becomes richer and more
gratifying
.
11
她这种不可思议的经历完全是个惊喜。但是北卡罗来纳大学夏
洛特分校
心理学教授里奇
.
特德斯基认为,这种转变的感觉从某些方
p>
面看却是很典型的。
里奇
.
特德斯基教授首创了
“
创伤后成长
”
一词。
他
对那些经历了诸如搏斗
、
暴力犯罪、
突患重病等极端事件的人群进行
< br>了研究,
这些研究表明,
在刚经历不幸后大多数人随即都
会感到茫然
和焦虑。他们一心想的就是,自己的生活完全被毁了。有少部分人事
后很久了还不断被记忆问题、失眠以及类似的创伤后应激障碍所折
磨。但
特德斯基和其他学者发现,对很多人
(
可能甚至是绝大多数人<
/p>
)
来说,生活最终会变得更加丰富和更加令人满足。
12 Something similar
happens to many people who experience a
terrifying physical threat. In that
moment, our sense of invulnerability is
pierced, and the self-protective mental
armor that normally stands
between us
and our perceptions of the world is torn away. Our
everyday
life scripts-our habits, self-
perceptions and assumptions-go out the
window, and we are left with a raw
experience of the world.
12
许
多经历过恐怖的人身威胁的人会遇到类似的情况。在事情发
生的那一瞬间,
我们的安全感被冲破了,
平时处于我们与我们对世界
的种种看法之间的自我保护的精神盔甲被剥离了。
我们的日常生活轨
迹
(
我们的习惯、自我认识和主观意念
)
全部被抛到九霄云外,只剩下
对世界的原始体验。
13 Still, actually
implementing these changes, as well as fully
coming
to terms
with
a new reality, usually takes
conscious effort. Being willing
and
able to take on this process is one of the major
differences between
those who grow
through adversity and those who are destroyed by
it. The
people who find value in
adversity aren't the toughest or the most
rational.
What makes them different is
that they are able to incorporate what
happened into the story of their own
life.
13
尽管如此,要实际实现这些转变并完全接受新
的现实,通常需
要有意识地付出努力。
是否愿意并有能力承担这
个过程,
就是那些在
灾难中成长和那些被灾难所摧毁的人之间主
要的区别之一。
认为灾难
有价值的人并不是最坚强或最理性的人
。
使他们与众不同的是他们能
够将所遭遇的事融入他们自己的人
生历程中。
”
14 Eventually, they may find themselves
freed in ways they never
imagined.
Survivors say they have become more tolerant and
forgiving of
others, capable of
bringing peace to formerly troubled relationships.
They
say that material ambitions
suddenly seem silly and the pleasures of
friends and family
paramount
-and that the
crisis allowed them to
recognize
life
in line with
their new
priorities.
14
最终,他们可能会发现自己以从
未想到过的方式获得了解脱。
幸存者往往说他们变得更加宽容,
也更能原谅别人,
能够缓和原本糟
糕的关系。
< br>他们说物质追求突然间变得很无聊,
而朋友和家庭带来的
快乐变得极为重要,
他们还说危机使他们能够按照这些新的优先之事
来重新认识生活。
15
People who have grown from adversity often feel
much less fear,
despite the frightening
things they've been through. They are surprised by
their own strength, confident that they
can handle whatever else life
throws at
them.
wonderful,
were just
trying to survive. But in retrospect, what they
gained was more
than they ever anticipa
ted.
15
从灾难中成长起来的人尽管经历过恐怖的事情,但
他们的恐惧
感往往大为减少。
他们对自己的力量感到吃惊,
p>
相信不管今后生活中
将要遭遇什么,他们都能应付。特德斯基说
p>
:“
人们不会说他们所经历
的是美好的。<
/p>
他们并不是特意要通过这样的经历来成长。
他们只是尽
其所能生存下来。但回顾起来,他们的收获远远大于他们所预料的。
16 In his recent book
Satisfaction, Emory University psychiatrist
Gregory Berns points to extreme
endurance athletes who push themselves
to their physical limits for days at a
time. They cycle through the same
sequence of sensations as do
trauma
survivors: self-loss,
confusion and,
finally, a new sense of
mastery. For
ultramarathoners
, who
regularly run
100-mile races that last
more than 24 hours, vomiting and
hallucinating
are
normal. After a day and night of running without
stopping or sleeping,
competitors
sometimes forget who they are and what they are
doing.
16
埃默里大学精神病学家格列高利
?
伯思斯在他的近作
《满足》
中
指出,
极限耐力运动员每次训练都要使自己的身体连续数
天处于极限
状态。他们和经历创伤的幸存者所经历的感觉过程一样
:
自我失落,
困惑,最后获得一种新的驾驭感。对于经常跑超
过
24
小时的
l00
< br>英
里比赛的超级马拉松运动员来说,
呕吐和产生幻觉是常
事。
在一昼夜
不停歇不睡觉地跑步之后,
竞赛者有时会忘了自己是谁,
忘了自己在
干什么。
17 For a more common
example of growth through adversity, look to
one of life's biggest challenges:
parenting. Having a baby has been shown
to decrease levels of happiness. The
sleep deprivation and the necessity of
putting aside personal pleasure in
order to care for an infant mean that
people with newborns are more likely to
be depressed and find their
marriage
on the rocks
. Nonetheless,
over the long haul, raising a child is
one of the most rewarding and
meaningful of all human undertakings.
The short-term sacrifice of happiness
is outweighed by other benefits,
like
fulfillment, altruism and the chance to leave a
meaningful
legacy
.
17
更普遍的在逆境中成长的例子要
数生命中最大的挑战之一
:
为
人父母。
生育孩子一直被认为会降低幸福程度。
为了照顾婴儿而睡眠
p>
不足并且必须将自己的消遣撇到一边,
意味着有了新生儿的人更有可
能感到抑郁并且面临婚姻的危机。然而,长远看来,养育孩子是所有
人类活动中最有意义、
最值得去做的一件事情。
短时间内牺
牲了幸福,
却有了更多的收获,
比如满足感、
< br>无私以及有机会留下一笔意义深远
的遗产。
18 Ultimately, the
emotional reward can compensate for the pain and
difficulty of adversity. This
perspective does not
cancel out
what
happened, but it puts
it all in a different context :that it's possible
to live
an extraordinary rewarding life
even within the constraints and struggles
we face. In some form or other, says
King, we all must go through this
realization.
here's who you
are going to be instead-and that turns out to be a
pretty
great life.
18
< br>总之,情感上的回报可以弥补灾难带来的痛苦和艰难。这种精
神收获并不能抵消所
发生的苦难,
但是它可以把这些苦难全部放在另
一个不同的背景
中来看待,
那就是即使我们面临约束和挣扎,
我们仍
然可以生存得极有价值。
金指出,
我们所有的人都
必须以这样或那样
的形式经历这种觉悟。
“
你将不再是自己心目中曾经的你,取而代之
的是一个新的你
—
而事实会证明生活从此将非常美好。
”
Unit2 Commercialization
and Changes in Sports
hout history
sports have been used as forms of public
entertainment. However ,sports have
never been so heavily packaged,
promoted, presented and played as
commercial products as they are today.
Never before have decisions about
sports and the social relationships
connected with sports been so clearly
influenced by economic factors.
The
bottom line has replaced the goal line for many
people, and sports no
longer exist
simply for the interests of the athletes
themselves. Fun and
concessions
revenues, the sale of media rights,
market shares, rating points, and
advertising potential. Then, what
happens to sports when they become
commercialized
? Do they
change when they become dependent on gate
receipts and the sale of media rights?
1
在整个历史长河中,人们都是把体育当作某种形式的公众娱乐
。
然而,
体育从未像今天这样作为一种商业产品被如此盛大地包
装、
推
广、
呈现和开展,
有关体育的决策以及与体育相关的社会关系也同样
从未如此显然地受到商业因
素的影响。
对许多人来说,
账本底线已取
代了球门线,体育不再只是为了运动员们自身的兴趣而存在。今天,
乐趣和
“
好比赛
”
的定义取决于
门票收入、特许权收人、媒体传播权的
出售、
市场份额、
收视率以及广告潜力。
那么,
当体育变得商业
化时,
它会怎样
?
当体育变得依赖于门
票收人和媒体传播权的出售时,它会
发生变化吗
?
know that whenever any
sport is converted into commercial
entertainment, it success depends on
spectator appeal. Although
spectators
often have a variety of motives underlying their
attachment to
sports, their interest in
any sporting event is usually related to a
combination of three factors: the
uncertainty of an event's outcome, the
risk or financial rewards associated
with participating in an
event
,
and the
anticipated display of excellence or
heroics by the athletes. In other words,
when spectators refer to a
usually talking about one in which the
outcome was in doubt until the last
minutes or seconds, one in which the
stakes
were so high that
athletes
were totally committed to and
engrossed
in the action, or
one in which
there were a number of
excellent or
or matches contain all
three of these factors, they are remembered and
discussed for a long time.
2
我们知道,每当任何一项体育运动被转化为商业性娱乐活动时,
它的成功就依赖于观众的兴趣。
尽管观众对于体育的拥护背后潜藏着
多种动机,但他们对体育比赛的兴趣通常与三种相结合的因素有关
:
比赛结果的不确定性,
参加一项比赛相关的风险或经济回报,
< br>以及预
期中的运动员的卓越、英勇表现。换句话说,当观众提及一场
“
不错
的比赛
”
或一场
“
激动人心的比赛
”
时,这场比赛,通常在比赛即将结
束的最后几分钟甚至儿秒钟
时,结果仍然扑朔迷离
;
或者比赛涉及高
额奖金,
因而运动员们都全身心地投入比赛。
或者比赛展示了
许多出
色的或者
“
英雄式
”
的表现。只要运动比赛包含所有这三方面因素,人
们就会长时间记得并讨论这场比赛。
cialization has not had a dramatic
effect on the format and
goals of most
sports. In spite of the influence of spectators,
what has
occurred historically is that
sports have maintained their basic format.
Innovations have been made within this
framework, rather than
completely
dismantling
the design of a
game. For example, the
commercialization of the Olympic Games
has led to minor rule changes
in
certain events, but the basic structure of each
Olympic sport has
remained much the
same as it was before the days of corporate
endorsements and the sale of television
rights.
3
商业化对于大多数体育运动的结构和目标没
有太大的影响。
尽管
观众会对其产生影响,
但在历史上,
运动项目保持了它们的基本结构。
创新也是在
这一框架内进行的,并不会完全废除这项运动的基本设
计。
例如
、
奥运会的商业化导致了某些赛事规则的微小变化但其每项
运动
的基本结构还是和商家赞助及电视转播权出售之前基本一致。
cialization seems to affect the
orientations of sport
participants more
than it does the format and goals of sports. To
make
money on a sport, it's necessary
to attract a mass audience to buy tickets
or watch the events on television.
Attracting and entertaining a mass
audience is not easy because it's made
up of many people who don't have
technical knowledge about the complex
athletic skills and strategies used
by
players and coaches. Without this technical
knowledge, people are
easily impressed
by things
extrinsic
to the
game or match itself; they
get
taken
in
by
hype
.
During the event itself they often focus on things
they
can easily understand. They enjoy
situations in which players take risks
and face clear physical danger; they
are attracted to players who are
masters of dramatic expression or who
are willing to go beyond their
normal
physical limits to the point of endangering their
safety and
well-being; and they like to
see players committed to victory no matter
what the personal cost.
4
看来,
与运动的结构和目的相比,
商业化更多
的是影响运动参与
者的取向。
若要通过一项运动盈利,
就必须吸引广大观众买门票或在
电视上观看比赛。
吸引和娱乐广大观众并非易事,
因为这些观众中有
很多人没有
技木性的知识,
因而不懂得运动员和教练采取的复杂竞技
技巧和
策略。
由于缺乏这些技术性知识,
人们容易受到运动或赛事之<
/p>
外的东西的影响,容易受到天花乱坠的宜传的迷惑。在比赛期间,他
们经常关注那些他们容易理解的事情。
他们喜欢那种运动员冒险并明
< br>显面临身体危险的情境,
他们喜爱那些善长戏剧化表现或者愿意超越
正常的生理极限以致威胁到自己的安全和健康的运动员。
他们喜欢看
到运动员不惜代价,立志求胜。
example, when people lack technical
knowledge about
basketball, they are
more likely to talk about a single
slam
dunks
than
about the
consistently
flawless
defense that enabled a team to win a
game .Similarly, those who know little
about the technical aspects of ice
skating are more entertained by triple
and
quadruple
jumps than by
routines carefully
choreographed
and practiced
until they are smooth and
flawless.
Without dangerous jumps, naive spectators get
bored. They like
athletes who project
exciting or controversial
personas
,and they often
rate performances in terms of dramatic
expression leading to dramatic
results.
They want to see athletes occasionally collapse as
they surpass
physical limits, not
athletes who know their limits so well they can
successfully compete for years without
going beyond them.
5
比如,
当人们缺乏篮球方面的技术知识时,
他们更津津乐道于某
< br>一个灌篮,而不会关注球队取胜必需的因素
:
自始至终配
合得天衣无
缝的后防。同样,
那些对滑冰技术知之甚少的人,他
们更感兴趣的是
三连跳或四连跳,
而不是那些精心设计并训练直
至流畅、
完美的舞步。
没有惊险的跳跃,
无知的观众会感到厌倦。
他们喜欢那些表现得激动
人心或有争
议性的运动员。
他们往往根据戏剧化的表现是否导致戏剧
化的结
果来评价比赛。
他们想看运动员在超越自己极限时偶尔的突然
失
败,
而不是多年来稳操胜券,
熟知自己极限而不去超越它的运动
员。
a sport
comes to depend on entertaining a mass audience,
those involved in the sport often
revise their ideas about what is important
in sport. This revision usually
involves a shift in emphasis from what
might be called an aesthetic
orientation to a heroic orientation. In fact, the
people in sport may even refer to games
or matches as
they may refer to
themselves as entertainers as well as athletes.
This does
not mean that aesthetic
orientations disappear, but it does mean that they
often
take a back seat
to
the heroic actions that entertain
spectators who
don't know enough to
appreciate the strategic and technical aspects of
the
game or match.
6
< br>当一项体育运动变得依赖于娱乐广大观众时,
对于运动什么才是
< br>重要的,
运动参与者们往往会改变观念。
这一改变常常意
味着重心从
所谓的美学取向向英雄主义取向转变。
其实,
运动员可能甚至把运动
或比赛称为
“
表演秀
”
,并把自己称作表演者兼运动员。这并
不意味着
美学取向不复存在了,
但是这却是意味着与英雄主义行
为相比,
它们
常常退居其后。
英雄主义
行为吸引着那些没有足够的知识欣赏运动或
比赛的策略和技术的观众。
< br>
the need to please
naive audiences becomes greater, so does the
emphasis on heroic orientations. This
is why television
commentators
for
US football games continually talk
about danger, injuries, playing with
pain, and courage. Some athletes,
however, realize the dangers associated
with heroic orientations and try to
slow the move away from aesthetic
orientations in their sports. For
example, some former figure skaters have
called for restrictions on the number
of triple jumps that can be included
in
skating programs. These skaters are worried that
the commercial
success of their sport
is coming to rely on the danger of movement rather
than the beauty of movement. However,
some skaters seem to be willing
to
adopt heroic orientations if this is what will
please audiences and
generate revenues.
These athletes usually evaluate themselves and
other
athletes in terms of the sport
ethic
, and they learn to see
heroic actions
signs of true commitment
and
dedication
to their
sport.
7
取悦无知观众的需求越强烈,
就越会强调英雄主义取向。
这就是
为什么美国橄榄球比
赛的电视评论员喋喋不休地谈论危险、
受伤、
带
伤比赛和胆量。
不过,
有些运动员意识到了与英雄主义
取向随之而来
的危险,并试图在他们的运动中放慢偏离美学取向的步伐。比如,一
些前花样滑冰运动员已经呼吁限制滑冰项目中三连跳的数量。
这些滑<
/p>
冰运动员担心,
他们的体育项目在商业上的成功正越来越依赖于动
作
的危险性,而不是动作的美感。然而,另外一些滑冰运动员似乎愿意
< br>采取英雄主义取向,只要这样能取悦观众,获得收入。这些运动员用
体育道德规范
去评价自己和他人,
他们还学会把英雄主义行为看成是
真正地投
入及为运动献身的标志。
8
Commercialization also leads to changes in the
organizations that
control sports. When
sports begin to depend on generating revenues, the
control of sport organizations usually
shifts further and further away from
the players. In fact, the players often
lose effective control over the
conditions of their own participation
in the sport. These conditions come
under the control of general
managers
,
team
owners
,
corporate sponsors,
advertisers, media personnel, marketing
and publicity staff, professional
management staff, accountants, and
agents.
8
商业化同样会导致那些控制体育的组织发生
变化。
当体育开始依
赖于创造收入时,
体育组织的控制权就会离运动员越来越远。
事实上,
运动员常常
对于自身的体育参与环境失去有效控制。
这些环境越来越
受控于
下列人员
:
总经理、运动队老板、企业赞助商、广告商、传媒<
/p>
人员、营销和宜传推广人员、专业管理人员、会计师以及经纪人。
9..The organizations that
control commercial sports are usually
complex, since they are intended to
coordinate the interests of all these
people, but their primary goal is to
maximize revenues. This means that
organizational decisions generally
reflect the combined economic
interests
of many people having no direct personal
connection with a
sport or with the
athletes involved. The power to affect these
decisions
is
grounded in
a variety of
resources, many of which are not even connected
with sports. Therefore athletes in many
commercial sports find
themselves cut
out of decision-making processes even when
decisions
affect their health and well-
being.
9
那些控制商业体育的组织通常非常复杂,
p>
这是因为它们企图协调
上述所有人的利益,
但它们的首要目标还是盈利最大化。
这意味着组
织决策通常反映
的是许多人的混合利益,
而他们与体育或相关运动员
没有直接联
系。
影响这些决策的力量根植于各种不同的资源,
其中许
多甚至与体育没有关联。
因此,
许多商业体育
中的运动员发现自己被
逐出了决策过程,即便这些决策影响到他们的健康和幸福。
Unit4 Is Google
Making Us Stupid
the past few years
I've had an uncomfortable sense that
someone, or something, has been
tinkering with my brain, remapping the
neural circuitry, reprograming the
memory. My mind isn't going
一
so far
as I can
tell
一
but it's
changing. I'm not thinking the way I used to
think.
I
can feel it most
strongly when I’m reading. Immersing myself in a
book
or a lengthy article used to be
easy. My mind would get caught up in the
narrative or the turns of the argument,
and I’d spend hours strolling
through
long stretches of prose. That's rarely the case
anymore. Now my
concentration often
starts to drift after two or three pages. I get
fidgety,
lose the thread, begin looking
for something else to do. I feel as if I'm
always dragging my wayward brain back
to the text. The deep reading
that used
to come naturally has become a struggle.
1
在过去的几年里,
我老有一种不祥之感,
觉得有什么人,
或什么
东西,
一直在我脑袋里捣鼓不停,
重绘我的脑电
图,
重写我的脑内存。
我的思想倒没跑掉
—
到目前为止我还能这么说,
但它正在改变。
我的
思维方式在变。
这种感觉在我阅读的时候尤为强烈
。
过去总是不费劲
就能让自己沉浸在一本书或一篇长文章中,<
/p>
被其中的叙述或不同的论
点深深吸引。
我
还会花数小时徜徉在长篇散文中。
可如今这都不灵了。
现在,我
翻上两三页书,注意力就开始不集中了。我会变得烦躁,抓
不住重点,
< br>开始想找点其他的事情做。
我感觉我似乎要硬拖着我任性
的大脑才能回到文章中。
原本轻松自然的深度阅读,
已成了痛苦
挣扎。
2.I think I know what's
going on. For more than a decade now, I've
been spending a lot of time online,
searching and surfing and sometimes
adding to the great databases of the
Internet. The Web has been a godsend
to
me as a writer. Research that once required days
in the stacks or
periodical rooms of
libraries can now be done in minutes. A few Google
searches, some quick clicks on
hyperlinks, and I've got the telltale fact or
pithy quote I was after. Even when I'm
not working, I'm as likely as not to
be
foraging in the Web's info-thickets2-reading and
writing emails,
scanning headlines and
blog posts, watching videos and listening to
podcasts, or just tripping from link to
link to link. (Unlike footnotes, to
which they're sometimes likened,
hyperlinks don't merely point to related
works; they propel you toward them.)
p>
2
我想我知道到底是怎么一回事了。
十多年
来,
我在网上花了好多
时间,在因特网的信息汪洋中冲浪、搜寻
、添加。对作家而言,网络
就像个天上掉下来的聚宝盆。
过去要
在书堆里或图书馆的期刊阅览室
中花上好几天做的研究,现在几分钟就齐活。
“
谷歌
”
几下,快速点开
几个链接,
就可以找到我所需要的事实或者精炼的引证。
即使在工作
之余,
我也很有可能在信息丰富的
网络里遨游
—
收发电子邮件、
浏览
p>
头条新闻、点击博客、看视频、听播客或者只是从一个链接跳转到一
个又一个链接。
(
超链接常被比作脚注,但是和脚注不一样,超
链接
不仅仅链接到相关作品
;
它们还驱
使你去点击创门。
)
me, as for others
, the Net is becoming a universal medium, the
conduit
for most of the
information that flows through my eyes and ears
and into my mind. The advantages of
having immediate access to such an
incredibly rich store of information
are many, and they've been widely
described and
duly
applauded.
Wired's0 Clive Thompson has written,
thinking.
McLuhan pointed out
in the 1960s, media are not just passive channels
of
information. They supply the stuff
of thought, but they also shape the
process of thought. And what the Net
seems to be doing is
chipping away
at
my capacity for
concentration and contemplation. My mind now
expects to take in information the way
the Net distributes it: in a swiftly
moving stream of particles. Once I was
a
scuba diver
in the sea of
words.
Now I
zip
along
the surface like a guy on a Jet
Ski.
3
对我来说,
像对其他人也
一样,
网络已经成为了一种通用的媒介,
大部分信息都通过这个
渠道进人我们的眼、
耳,
最后进人我们的大脑。
能从这样一个异常丰富的信息库中直接获取信息,其优点是很多的,
而且也得到
了广泛的描述和适当的赞誉。
“
硅存储器的完美记忆性,
”
《连线》
杂志的克莱夫
?
汤普森写道,
“
对于思想来说是
一个大实惠。
”
但是这个实惠是要付出代价的。
(
此文来自袁勇兵博客
)
就像
媒体理论
家马歇尔
?
麦克卢恩在上世纪
60
年代所指出的那样,
媒体可不只是
被
动的信息渠道。它们不但提供了思想的源泉,也塑造了思想的进程。
< br>网络似乎粉碎了我专注与沉思的能力。
现如今,
我的脑袋
就盼着以网
络提供信息的方式来获取信息
:
飞快的微粒运动。曾经我是文字海洋
中的潜水者,现在我则像是摩托艇骑手在海面上
风驰电掣。
4.I’m not the only
one. When I mention my troubles with reading to
friends and acquaintances-literary
types, most of them-many say they're
having similar experiences. The more
they use the Web, the more they
have to
fight to stay focused on long pieces of writing.
Some of the
bloggers I follow have also
begun mentioning the phenomenon. Scott
Karp, who writes a blog about online
media, recently confessed that he
has
stopped reading books altogether.
used
to be a
voracious
book
reader,
speculates on
the
answer:
much because the way I read has
changed, i.e. I'm just seeking
convenience, but because the way I
think has changed?
4
我并不是唯一一个有
此感觉的人。
当我向文学界的朋友和熟人提
到我在阅读方面的困
扰,
许多人说他们也有同样的感受。
他们上网越
多,在阅读长文章时,就越难集中精力。我所关注的一些博主也提到
了类似的现
象。斯科特
?
卡普开了一个有关在线媒体的博客,最近他
承认自己已经完全不读书了。
“
我大学读的是文学专业,
曾经是一个
嗜书如命的人
,
”
他写道。
“
到底发生了什么事呢
?”
他推测出了一个答
< br>案
:“
如果对我来说,通过网络来阅读的真正理由与其说
是我的阅读方
式发生了改变,比如,我只是图个方便,不如说是我的思维方式在发
生变化,那么我该怎么办呢
?”
Friedman, who blogs regularly about
the use of computers in
medicine, also
has described how the Internet has altered his
mental
habits.
longish
article on the web
or in print,
pathologist who has long
been on the faculty of the University of
Michigan Medical School, Friedman
elaborated on
his comment in
a
telephone conversation with me. His
thinking, he said, has taken on a
staccato
text from many
sources online.
admitted
three or four paragraph is too much to
absorb. I skim it.
5
布鲁斯
?
弗里德曼经常撰写有关电脑在医学领域应用的文章。他
在早些时候同样提到因特网如何改变了他的思维习惯。
“
稍
长些的文
章,
不管是网上的还是已经出版的,
< br>我现在几乎已经完全丧失了阅读
它们的能力。
”
在密歇根大学医学院长期任教的病理学家布鲁斯,弗
里德曼在电话里告诉
我,
由于上网快速浏览文章的习惯,
他的思维呈
现出一种
“
碎读
”
特性。
“
我再也读不了《战争与和平》了。
”
弗里德曼
承认,
“
我失去了这个本事。即便是一篇长达三四段的博客也难以消
化。
我只能略微浏览一下。
”
6.
Anecdotes
alone
don't prove much. And we still await the long-term
neurological and psychological
experiments that will provide a definitive
picture of how the Internet use affects
cognition. But a recently published
study of online research habits,
conducted by scholars from University
College London, suggests that we may
well be in the midst of a
sea
change
in the way we read
and think. As part of the five-year research
program, the scholars examined computer
logs' documenting the behavior
of
visitors to two popular research sites, one
operated by the British
Library and one
by a UK educational
consortium
, that provide
access to
journal articles, e-books,
and other sources of written information. They
found that people using the sites
exhibited
hopping from one source to
another and rarely returning to any source
they'd already visited. They typically
read no more than one or two pages
of
an article or book before they would
Sometimes they'd save a long article,
but there's no evidence that they
ever
went back and actually read it.
6
仅仅是趣闻轶事还不能证明什么
。
我们仍在等待长期的神经学
和心理学的实验,
这将给因特网如何影响到我们的认识一个权威的定
论。
伦敦大学学院的学者做了一个网络研读习惯的研究并发表了研究
结果。
< br>该研究指出,
我们可能已经彻底置身于阅读与思考方式的巨变
之中了。作为五年研究计划的一部分,学者们检测了计算机日志,它
跟踪记录了两个
流行的搜索网站的用户行为。
其中一个网站是英国图
书馆的,另
一个是英国教育社团的,他们提供了期刊论文、电子书以
及其他一些文献资源。他们发现
,人们上网时呈现出
“
一种浮光掠影
般
的形式
”
,总是从一个资源跳到另一个资源,并且很少返回他们
之
前访问过的资源。他们常常还没读完一两页文章或书籍,就
“
弹
”
出来
转到
另一个网页去了。
有时候他们会保存一个篇幅长的文章,
但没有
任何证据表明他们曾经返回去认真阅读。
to the ubiquity of text on the
Internet,
not to mention
the
popularity of text- messaging on cell
phones, we may well be reading
more
today than we did in the 1970s or 1980s, when
television was our
medium of choice.
But it's a different kind of reading, and behind
it lies a
different kind of thinking-
perhaps even a new sense of the self.'
not only what we
read,
psychologist at Tufts University
and the author of Proust and the Squid:
The Story and Science of the Reading
Brain,
Wolf worries that the style of
reading promoted by the Net, a style that
puts
capacity for the kind
of deep reading that emerged when an earlier
technology, the printing press, made
long and complex works of prose
commonplace. When we read online, she
says, we tend to become
decoders
of information
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