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The Civil Rights Movement
in the United States
The
Civil
Rights
Movement
in
the
United
States
has
been
a
long,
primarily
nonviolent
struggle
to
bring
full
civil
rights
and
equality
under
the law
to
all
Americans. The
movement
has had a lasting
impact on United States society, in its tactics,
the increased social and legal
acceptance of civil rights, and in
its
exposure of the prevalence and cost of racism.
The
American
Civil
Rights
movement
has
been
made
up
of
many
movements.
The
term
usually
refers
to
the
political
struggles
and
reform
movements
between
1945
and
1970
to
end discrimination
against African Americans and to end legal
racial segregation, especially in the
U.S. South.
This article
focuses
on
an
earlier
phase
of
the
struggle.
Two
United
States Supreme
Court
decisions
—
Plessy
v.
Ferguson,
163
U.S. 537 (1896), which upheld
segregation as constitutional doctrine,
and Brown v. Board of
Education,
347
U.S.
483
(1954)
which
overturned
Plessy
—
serve
as
milestones.
This
was
an
era
of
stops
and
starts,
in
which
some
movements,
such
as
Marcus
Garvey's
Universal
Negro
Improvement
Association,
achieved
great
success
but
left
little
lasting
legacy,
while
others,
such
as
the
NAACP's
painstaking
legal
assault
on
state-sponsored
segregation,
achieved
modest
results
in
its
early
years
but
made
steady
progress on voter rights and gradually
built to a key victory in
Brown v.
Board of Education.
After
the
Civil
War,
the
U.
S.
expanded
the
legal
rights
of
African
Americans.
Congress
passed,
and
enough
states
ratified,
an
amendment
ending
slavery
in
1865
—
the
13th
Amendment
to
the
United
States
Constitution.
This
amendment
only
outlawed
slavery;
it
did
not
provide
equal
rights,
nor
citizenship.
In
1868,
the
14th
Amendment
was
ratified by the states, granting
African Americans citizenship.
Black
persons
born
in
the
U.
S.
were
extended
equal
protection
under
the
laws
of
the
Constitution.
The
15th
Amendment
was
ratified
in
(1870),
which
stated
that
race
could not be used as a condition to
deprive men of the ability
to vote.
During Reconstruction (1865-1877), Northern troops
occupied
the
South.
Together
with
the
Freedmen's
Bureau,
they
tried
to
administer
and
enforce
the
new
constitutional
amendments.
Many
black
leaders
were
elected
to
local
and
state offices, and
others organized community groups.
Reconstruction
ended
following
the
Compromise
of
1877
between Northern and
Southern white elites. In exchange for
deciding
the
contentious
Presidential
election
in
favor
of
Rutherford
B.
Hayes,
supported
by
Northern
states,
over
his
opponent,
Samuel
J.
Tilden,
the
compromise
called
for
the
withdrawal of Northern troops from the
South. This followed
violence
and
fraud
in
southern
elections
in
1876,
which
had
reduced
black
voter
turnout
and
enabled
Southern
white
Democrats
to
regain
power
in
state
legislatures
across
the
South.
The
compromise
and
withdrawal
of
Federal
troops
meant that white Democrats had more
freedom to impose and
enforce
discriminatory
practices.
Many
African
Americans
responded to the
withdrawal of federal troops by leaving the
South in what is known as the Kansas
Exodus of 1879.
The
Radical
Republicans,
who
spearheaded
Reconstruction,
had
attempted
to
eliminate
both
governmental
and
private
discrimination by
legislation. That effort was largely ended by
the
Supreme
Court's
decision
in
the
Civil
Rights
Cases,
109
U.S.
3
(1883),
in
which
the
Court
held
that
the
Fourteenth
Amendment
did
not
give
Congress
power
to
outlaw
racial
discrimination by
private individuals or businesses.
Segregation
The
Supreme
Court's
decision
in
Plessy
v.
Ferguson
(1896)
upheld state-mandated discrimination in
public transportation
under
the
but
equal
doctrine.
While
in
the
20th
century,
the
Supreme
Court
began
to
overturn
state
statutes
that
disfranchised
African
Americans,
as
in
Guinn
v.
United
States
(1915), with Plessy, it upheld segregation that
Southern
states
enforced
in
nearly
every
other
sphere
of
public
and
private life.
As
Justice
Harlan,
the
only
member
of
the
Court
to
dissent
from the decision, predicted:
If a state can
prescribe, as a rule of civil conduct, that whites
and blacks shall not travel as
passengers in the same railroad
coach,
why may it not so regulate the use of the streets
of its
cities
and
towns
as
to
compel
white
citizens
to
keep
on
one
side of a
street, and black citizens to keep on the other?
Why
may it not, upon like grounds,
punish whites and blacks who
ride
together in street cars or in open vehicles on a
public road
or street? . . . .
The Court soon
extended Plessy to uphold segregated schools.
In Berea College v. Kentucky, 211 U.S.
45 (1908), the Court
upheld a Kentucky
statute that barred Berea College, a private
institution, from teaching both black
and white students in an
integrated
setting. Many states, particularly in the South,
took
Plessy
and
Berea
as
blanket
approval
for
restrictive
laws,
generally known as Jim Crow laws, that
created second-class
status for
African-Americans.
In
many
cities
and
towns,
African-Americans
were
not
allowed to share a taxi
with whites or enter a building through
the
same
entrance.
They
had
to
drink
from
separate
water
fountains, use
separate restrooms, attend separate schools, be
buried
in
separate
cemeteries
and
even
swear
on
separate
Bibles.
They
were
excluded
from
restaurants
and
public
libraries.
Many
parks
barred
them
with
signs
that
read
far as to list separate
visiting hours.
The
etiquette
of
racial
segregation
was
even
harsher,
particularly in the South. African
Americans were expected to
step aside
to let a white person pass, and black men dared
not
look
any
white
woman
in
the
eye.
Black
men
and
women
were
addressed
as
or
but
rarely
as
or
labels such as
Less formal
social segregation in the North began to yield to
change.
Jackie Robinson’s Major League Baseball
debut, 1947
Jackie
Robinson
was
a
sports
pioneer
of
the
Civil
Rights
Movement.
Jackie
Robinson
is
most
well
known
for
becoming
the
first
African
American
to
play
professional
sports in the
major leagues. He is not often recognized as one
of
earliest
public
figures
in
the
Civil
Rights
Movement.
He
debuted with the Brooklyn Dodgers of
Major League Baseball
on April 15,
1947. Jackie Robinson's first major league game
came
one
year
before
the
U.S.
Army
was
integrated,
seven
years before Brown v. Board of
Education, eight years before
Rosa
Parks, and before Martin Luther King Jr. was
leading the
Civil
Rights
Movement.
Jackie
Robinson
stepped
into
the
spotlight before many of the most
notable people in the Civil
Rights
Movement
history.
Every
day
he
played,
he
was
an
example and role model
for countless children and youths.
Disfranchisement
Main article:
Disfranchisement after the Civil War
By
the
turn
of
the
century,
white-dominated
Southern
legislatures
disfranchised
nearly
all
age-eligible
African
American
voters
through
a
combination
of
statute
and
constitutional
provisions.
While
requirements
applied
to
all
citizens,
in
practice,
they
were
targeted
at
blacks
and
poor
whites, and subjectively administered.
In addition, opponents
of
black
civil
rights
used
economic
reprisals
and
sometimes
violence in the 1880s to discourage
blacks from registering to
vote.
Mississippi
was
the
first
state
to
have
such
constitutional
provisions, such as poll taxes,
literacy tests (which depended
on
subjective
by
white
registrars),
and
complicated
record
keeping
to
establish
residency,
litigated
before
the
Supreme
Court.
In
1898
the
Court
upheld
the
state,
in
Williams
v.
Mississippi.
Other
Southern
states
quickly
adopted
the
plan
and
from
1890-1908,
ten
states
adopted
new constitutions
with provisions to disfranchise most blacks
and many poor whites. States continued
to disfranchise these
groups for
decades. Blacks were most adversely affected, as
in
many states black voter turnout
dropped to zero. Poor whites
were
also
disfranchised.
In
Alabama,
for
instance,
by
1941,
600,000
poor
whites
had
been
disfranchised,
and
520,000
blacks.[1]
It
was
not
until
the
20th
century
that
litigation
by
African
Americans
on
such
provisions
began
to
meet
some
success
before the Supreme
Court. In 1915 in Guinn v. United States,
the
Court
declared
Oklahoma's
law
to
be
unconstitutional.
Although the decision affected all states that
used the grandfather clause, state
legislatures quickly devised
new
devices to continue disfranchisement. Each
provision or
statute
had
to
be
litigated
separately.
One
device
the
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