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美国大城市的生与死(中英文)

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2021-02-11 04:41
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2021年2月11日发(作者:巴西币)



?


美国大城市的生与死


?



(THE DEATH AND LIFE OF GREAT


AMRICAN CITIES)


< p>
美国女作家简


.


雅各布斯


(Jane Jacobs)




1 Introduction



(1)


This


book


is


and


attack


on


city


planning and rebuilding. It is also, and


mostly,


an


attempt


to


introduce


new


principles


of


city


planning


and


rebuilding, different and even opposite


from


those


now


taught


in


everything


from


schools


of


architecture


and


planning


to


the


Sunday


supplements


and women?s magazi


nes. My attack is


not based on quibbles about rebuilding


methods or hairsplitting about fashions


in design. It is an attack, rather, on the


principles


and


aims


that


have


shaped


modern,


orthodox


city


planning


and


rebuilding.(2002.2.8)



(2) In setting forth different principles,


I


shall


mainly


be


writing


about


common, ordinary things: for instance,


what kinds of city streets are safe and


what


kinds


are


not;


why


some


city


parks


are


marvelous


and


others


are


vice


traps


and


death


traps;


why


some


slums


stay


slums


and


other


slums


regenerate


themselves


even


against


financial


and


official


opposition;


what


makes


downtowns


shift


their


centers;


what,


if


anything,


is


a


city


neighborhood,


and


what


jobs,


if


any,


neighborhoods


in


great


cities


do.


In


short,


I


shall


be


writing


about


how


cities work in real life, because this is


the


only


way


to


learn


what


principles


of


planning


and


what


practices


in


rebuilding


can


promote


social


and


economic


vitality


in


cities,


and


what


practices


and


principle


will


deaden



1


these attributes.(2002.2.8)








译文:




介绍




(< /p>


1


)这是一本抨击现今城市规划和改造的


书。


应该说书中的大多数内容,尝试着介绍


新的城市规划和改造 原则,


这些原则不同于


学校里所传授的东西,

< br>不同于周日特刊的计


划,


也不同于从妇女杂志中所看到的 ,


甚至


是与那些原则完全相反的。


我的 抨击并不是


以关于改建手法的模棱两可的双关语为基


础,


也不是对设计的时尚吹毛求疵。它所抨


击的是那些形成现代和传统城市 规划和改


造的原则和目的。









2


)为了阐明这些不同的原则,我从那些


普通的事物写起:


例如,


什么样的城市 街道


是安全的,而什么样的是不安全的;为什么


有的城市公园是 美妙的不可思议的,


而有的


则成为了城市藏污纳垢的死角;


为什么有些


贫民窟长久保持原样有些不顾财政和政府


的反对不断生成;


是什么让城市不断变换他


们的中心; 什么是一个城市的临近地区,它


有担当了什么样的一种职能。


简 而言之,



要写的是城市在现实生活中是如何运作的,


因为这是学习规划原则和怎样用改建来提


升城市的社会和经济活力的唯一 方法,


通过


这样的学习,


也能知道什么 样的原则和实践


会扼杀这些活力。


(2002.2.9 benbentiao



)











(3) There is a wistful myth that if only


we


had


enough


money


to


spend



the


figure


is


usually


put


at


a


hundred


billion dollars



we could wipe out all


our


slums


in


ten


years,


reverse


decay


in


the


great,


dull,


gray


belts


that


were


yesterday?s and day


-before-


yesterday?s


suburbs, anchor the wandering middle


class and its wandering tax money, and


perhaps


even


solve


the


traffice


problem.(2002.2.9)




(4) But look what we have built with


the


first


several


billions:


Low-income


projects


that


become


worse


centers


of


delinquency,


vandalism


and


general


social hopelessness than the slums they


were


supposed


to


replace.


Middle-income housing projects which


are


truly


marvels


of


dullness


and


regimentation


sealed


against


any


buoyancy


or


vitality


of


city


life.


Luxury


housing


projects


that


mitigate


their


inanity,


or


try


to,


with


a


vapid


vulgarity.


Cultural


centers


that


are


unable


to


support


a


good


bookstore.


Civic


centers


that


are


avoided


by


everyone


but


bums,


who


have


fewer


choices


of


loitering


place


than


others.


Commercial centers that are lackluster


imitations


of


standardized


suburban


chain-store shopping. Promenades that


go from no place to nowhere and have


no


promenaders.


.


Expressways


that


eviscerate


great


cities.


This


is


not


the


rebuilding of cities. This is the sacking


of cities.(2000.2.9)











2



(< /p>


3


)有一种理想的


神话



,前提是我们拥


有足够的资 金


——


通常得上百亿美金


——


我们便可在十年内清除所有的贫困区,


隐藏


起从 前城市中那些庞大、


阴暗、沉闷地带内


所呈现出的衰败景象,< /p>


转而安置飘泊的中产


阶级,沉淀及其附带的游离资金,

< p>
这样甚至


可以解决交通问题。


(2002.2.1 0


永远的埃及




)






4


)现在 看看我们用一开始的几十亿作了


什么:低收入居民区变成了错误,


破坏艺术


行为和社会绝望的中心,


代替了贫民窟给社


会带来的影响。


中层收入居民区的无趣和对


一切 轻快和有活力的城市生活的管辖让人


觉得惊奇。


奢华的小别墅妄 图用一种粗俗的


设计手法区减轻他们的愚蠢。


文化中心里不


能找到一个好的书店。


除了流浪汉谁都不愿


意去城市中心,


因为那里是少数几个能供他


们闲逛的场所。


商业中心是标准的郊区连锁


店的翻版。散步道不知位于何处,


当然见不


到散步的人,


高速公路变成了城市的 精华部


分。


这不是对城市的改造,这是对城市的毁


坏。


(2002.2.11 benbentiao



)























(5)


Under


the


surface,


these


accomplishments


prove


even


poorer


than their poor pretenses. They seldom


aid


the


city


areas


around


them,


as


in


theory


they


are


supposed


to.


These


amputated


areas


typically


develop


galloping gangrene. To house people in


this


planned


fashion,


price


tags


are


fastened


on


the


population,


and


each


sorted-out


chunk


of


price- tagged


populace


lives


in


growing


suspicion


and


tension


against


the


surrounding


city.


When


two


or


more


such


hostile


islands


are


juxtaposed


the


result


is


called


“a


balanced


neighborhood.”


Monopolistic


shopping


centers


and


monumental


cultural


centers


cloak,


under the public relations hoohaw, the


subtraction


of


commerce,


and


of


culture


too,


from


the


intimate


and


casual life of cities.(2002.2.10)



(6)


That


such


wonders


may


be


accomplished, people who get marked


with the planners? hex signs are pushed


about,


expropriated,


and


uprooted


much as if they were the subjects of a


conquering power. Thousands of small


businesses


are


destroyed,


and


their


proprietors


ruined,


with


hardly


a


gesture


at


compensation.


Whole


communities


are


torn


apart


and


sown


to


the


winds,


with


a


reaping


of


cynicism,


resentment


and


despair


that


must be heard and seen to be believed.


A


group


of


clergymen


in


Chicago,


appalled


at


the


fruits


of


planned


city


rebuilding there, ask,



(7)


Could


job


have


been


thinking


of


Chicago when he wrote:



(8)


Here


are


men


that


alter


their


neighbor?s


landmark…shoulder


the


poor


aside,


conspire


to


oppress


the


friendless.




3




5< /p>


)事实上


,


这些整治比它们那些有够衰的


pretense


们更衰


.


它们极少如它们的理论所


臆断的那样


,


在自身周围增加新的城市环境


.


相反

< p>
,


这些从城市机体上截下来的部分往往


发育成急性 坏疽


:


在时尚的


规划



指导下


,

< br>居民人口被贴上



价格


< p>
的标签


,


塞进某处组



.

而每一坨甄选出来带着价标的人口


,


在与周围城区日益增长的怀疑与紧张关系


中生长


.


如果两个以上的互含敌意的组团被


搁在了一起


,


那么我们就得到了一个



平衡社




在公共关系


hoo haw


的张罗下


,


垄断型

< p>
商业中心和纪念碑样的文化中心掩饰了商


业和文化的匮乏

< br>


---


而后两者


,


在随意而亲




都< /p>






,




< p>






(2002.2.12


除夕的鞭炮响过之后



Spade



)









6


)这种奇迹或许可以实现


,


然而那些标上


了规划师们具有蛊惑力的标志


(



:


猜想可能


是指所住区域被规划


)


的人们遭排挤


,


家园被


略夺


,


最终背井离乡


,


就像是好胜心下的战利



.


成千上万的小商业被毁


,


它们的经营者遭


损失


.


但几乎没有得到补偿的迹象


.


而整体社


区被分裂


,


象种子般在风中撒落

< p>
,


带着嘲讽


,



恨和失望


,


这些规划者必须看到也必须相信< /p>


这些


.


一群惊骇于规划重建后芝加哥城市 状


况的牧师寻问道


:










7


)当


Job


写下以下篇章时


,


是否联想到了


芝加哥


:




8


)这儿 的人们改变着周边标志性建筑




排 挤着穷人


,


联和压迫着无依无靠的人



.






(9) Reap they the field that is none of


theirs,


strip


they


the


vineyard


wrongfully seized from its owner…



(10) A cry goes up from the city streets,


where wounded men lie groaning…





(11)


If


so,


he


was


also


thinking


of


New


York,


Philadelphia,


Boston,


Washington,


St.


Louis,


San


Francisco


and


a


number


of


other


places.


The


economic


rationale


of


current


city


rebuilding is a hoax. The economics of


city


rebuilding


do


not


rest


soundly


on


reasoned


investment


of


public


tax


subsides,


as


urban


renewal


theory


proclaims,


but


also


on


vast,


involuntary


subsides


wrung


out


of


helpless site victims. And the increased


tax returns from such sites, accruing to


the


cities


as


a


result


of


this



investment,”



are


a


mirage,


a


pitiful


gesture


against


the


ever


increasing


sums


of


public


money


needed


to


combat


disintegration


and


instability


that


flow


from


the


cruelly


shaken-up


city.


The


means


to


planned


city


rebuilding


are


as


deplorable


as


the


end.(2002.2.12)



















4




9



他们收割着不属于自己的土地


,


清理着< /p>


以不正当方式从别处掠夺来的葡萄园?






10


)受 伤的人们躺在城市街道上呻吟着


,


传来阵阵哭泣声





11



假若


Job


想到了芝加哥


,


那他也想到了


纽约

< br>,


费城


,


波世顿


,


华盛顿


,


圣鲁乙思


,


三藩市


和其他一些地方


.


目前的城市重建经济原理


只是一骗局


.


当前的城市重建经济学并不像


城市更新理论所宣扬的


,


真正有效地建立在


公民税收津贴的合理投资 基础之上


,


而是依


赖于从贫苦区里受害 者处强行压榨来的巨


额的津贴


.


为克服 城市大改革所带来的分裂


及不稳定性


,


公共资金永远供不应求


,


而越


来越多 从贫苦区里得来的税收归拢于城市


最终还是作为这样的投资


.< /p>


将这些税收用于





,







楼< /p>


,






.


(2002.2.13 qq00612



)





























(12)


与此同时


,


城市规划理论与艺术对于城


市局部地区的衰退无能为力


----


这种早在城


市衰退之前便产生的无能


----


甚至在范围较


广的示范区亦无可耐何


.


城市规划艺术运用


与否似乎并不重要


,


即使它得以施展< /p>


,


衰退依


然避免不了

,


一定会发生的


.


想想纽约的


Morningside Heights



.


依照规划理论< /p>


,


本该


没有任何问题的

< br>.


因为她拥有宽敞的停车场



,


校园


,


操场及一个河景怡人的游戏场 所


.



还聚集了世界顶级的大学和研究 机构




伦比亚大学

< br>,


神学研究学会


,


朱利叶德音乐 学


院及其他


6


个杰出的广受尊敬的教研 机构


.


她享有设备完善的医院和宗教服务


.


她没有


工业


,


出于兼容性


,


被划区的街道直接通往稳


固宽敞的中高层阶级的公 寓里


.


然而


50


代前


,


Morningside


Heights


迅速沦为贫民窟


. < /p>


人们不敢在那可怕的地方步行


,


这都成了 规


划研究院迫切解决的首要问题


.


他们与政府


规划部门合作


,


应用更多的规划理论


,


清理

了大多数荒废区域


,


以配有购物中心面向中


等收入阶层的安居工程和另一个公众安居


项目取而代之


.


重建后的区域享有空气


,



线


,


日照和怡人的景观


.


作为挽救城市的大


手笔


,


这个方案广受欢迎


.






















5


(12)Meantime,


all


the


art


and


science


of


city


planning


are


helpless


to


stem


decay



and


the


spiritlessness


that


precedes decay



in ever more massive


swatches


of


cities.


Nor


can


this


decay


be


laid,


reassuringly,


to


lack


of


opportunity


to


apply


the


arts


of


planning.


It


seems


to


matter


little


whether


they


are


applied


or


not.


Consider the Morningside Heights area


in


New


York


City.


According


to


planning


theory


it


should


not


be


in


trouble


at


all,


for


it


enjoys


a


great


aboudance


of


parkland,


campus,


playground


and


pleasant


ground


with


magnificent river views. It is a famous


educational


center


with


splendid


ins titutions



Columbia


University,


Union


Theological


Seminary,


the


Juilliard


School


of


Music,


and


half


a


dozen others of eminent respectability.


It


is


the


beneficiary


of


good


hospitals


and


churches.


It


has


no


industries.


Its


streets


are


zoned


in


the


main


against


“incompatible


uses


“intruding


into


the


preserves


for


solidly


constructed,


roomy,


middle-and


upper-class


apartments.


Yet


by


the


early


1950?s


Morningside


Heights


was


becoming


a


slum so swiftly, the surly kind of slum


in which people fear to walk the streets,


that the situation posed a crisis for the


institutions.


They


and


the


planning


arms


of


the


city


government


got


together, applied more planning theory,


wiped


out


the


most


run-down


part


of


the


area


and


built


in


its


stead


a


middle-income


housing


project


complete


with


shopping


center,


and


a


public housing project, all interspersed


with


air,


light,


sunshine


and


landscaping. This was hailed as a great


demonstration in city saving.







13


)然而


,< /p>


自那以后


,


Morningside


Heights


每况愈下的速度更快了。





14



Mornin gside Heights


这个例子既不是


不公正的,也不是 同其他城市不相关的。一


个城市接着一个城市,在规划理论指导下,

那些精确规划了的区域正在衰退;


一个城市


接着一个城市, 在规划理论指导下,那些精


确规划了的区域拒绝衰退,


尽管这拒 绝不为


人注意,其意义同样重大。





15


)城市是个巨大的实验室,其内 可以反


复试验城市营造和城市设计的成功与失败。


正是在这个实 验室里,


城市规划应该不断学


习,自我完善和自我约束


(


如果可以这样称


呼的话


)


。恰恰相反,正是这个实验室忽略


了对现时生活中成败的研 究;


正是这个实验


室漠视了意外成功之缘由;

< br>也正是这个实验


室,只是在从城镇,郊区,修养地,集会及


梦幻城的行为与表象演绎得来的信条的指


导下


---


或者说任何方面的指导下来运行,



不是由城市 本身领导下运行。


(2002.2.14


qq00612



)






(13)After


that,


Morningside


Heights


went downhill even faster.



(14)Nor


is


this


an


unfair


or


irrelevant


example.


In


city


after


city,


precisely


the


wrong


areas,


in


the


light


of


planning


theory,


are


decaying.


Less


noticed, but equally significant, in city


after city the wrong areas, in the light


of


planning


theory,


are


refusing


to


decay.



(15)Cities


are


an


immense


laboratory


of


trial


and


error,


failure


and


success,


in city building and city design. This is


the


laboratory


in


which


city


planning


should have been learning and forming


and discipline (if such it can be called)


have ignored the study of success and


failure in real life, have been incurious


about


the


reasons


for


unexpected


success,


and


are


guided


instead


by


principles


derived


from


the


behavior


and


appearance


of


towns,


suburbs,


tuberculosis


sanatoria,


fairs,


and


imaginary


dream


cities



from


anything


but


cities


themselves.(2002.2.13)



(16)


If


it


appears


that


the


rebuilt


portions


of


cities


and


the


endless


new


developments


spreading


beyond


the


cities


are


the


reducing


city


and


countryside


alike


to


a


monotonous,


unnourishing gruel, this is not strange,


It


all


comes,


first-,


second-


third-


or


fourth-hand,


out


of


the


same


intellectual


dish


or


mush,


a


mush


in


which


the


qualities,


necessities,


advantages and behavior of great cities


have been behavior of other and more


inert types of settlements.







6





16< /p>



即便城市重建部分和无止尽更新发展


显 现出不单单使城市与乡村转变为一碗乏


味且无营养的稀粥的情形


,


也不足为奇


.


< br>算是碗长智力的玉米粥


,


它也只是按首要


,




,

再次


,


更次来考虑问题


.


在这碗玉米粥里


,


大城市的质量


,


必要性


,


优点和表征已完 全和


另外的及缺乏活力住宅群落的质量


,


必要性


,


优点和表征完全混淆在一起了


.


(2002.2.15


qq00612



)













(17) There is nothing economically or


socially


inevitable


about


either


the


decay of old cities or the fresh-minted


decadence


of


the


new


unurban


urbanization. On the contrary no other


aspect of our economy and society has


been


more


purposefully


manipulated


for


a


full


quarter


of


a


century


to


achieve precisely what we are getting.


Extraordinary


governmental


financial


incentives have been require to achieve


this


degree


of


monotony,


sterility


and


vulgarity.


Decades


of


preaching,


writing and exhorting by experts have


gone


into


convincing


us


and


our


legislators that mush like this must be


good for us, as long as it comes bedded


with grass.





(18)Automobiles


are


often


conveniently


tagged


as


the


villains


responsible for the ills of cities and the


disappointments


and


futilities


of


city


planning.


But


the


destructive


effect


s


of


automobiles


are


much


less


a


cause


than


a


symptom


of


our


incompetence


at


city


building.


Of


cause


planners,


including


the


highwaymen


with


fabulous sums of money and enormous


power at their disposal, are at a loss to


make


automobiles


and


cities


compatible


with one another. They do


not know what to do with automobiles


in cities because they do not know how


to


plan


for


workable


and


vital


cities


anyhow



with or without automobiles.











7



(17)


对于旧城衰败和新近城市化 地区刚开始


的衰退


,


经济因素与社会 因素从来都是贯穿


其中。相反


,


在整整


25


年里再也没有其他方


面像经济与社 会这两只手那样一心一意地


致力将城市建设成现在这样。


大量的 政府财


政支出用以成就今日城市之千篇一律,


缺乏


活力


,


鄙陋不堪的状况。



数十年来,专家们


的说教、


著述、


劝诫使得立法者和我们相信


像上述玉米粥那样的城市只要铺满草坪,



一定有利于我们。


(2002.2. 18 qq00612



)











18



人们出于方便


,


将城市弊端和城市规划


中的败笔及令人失望处归咎于小汽车 的不


是。但与其说汽车是造成这种局面的原因,


还不如说是我们 在城市建设方面无能的一


种表征。


当然规划者,包括拥有惊人钱 财和


庞大处置权的拦路抢劫犯,


都不知如何使小


汽车同城市相互兼容。


他们不知如何对付城


市里的汽车 问题因为他们不知如何规划运


行良好,


充满活力的城市



无论小汽车存在


还是不存在。




















(19)The


simple


needs


of


automobiles


are


more


easily


understood


and


satisfied


than


the


complex


needs


of


cities,


and


a


growing


number


of


planners


and


designers


have


come


to


believe that if they


can only solve the


problems


of


traffic,


they


will


thereby


have


solved


the


major


problem


of


cities. Cities have much more intricate


economic


and


social


concerns


than


automobile traffic. How can you know


what to try with traffic until you know


how


the


city


itself


works,


and


what


else it needs to do with its streets? You


can?t.(2002.2.15)



(20)It may be that we have became so


feckless


as


people


that


we


no


longer


care


how


things


do


work,


but


only


what


kind


of


quick,


easy


outer


impression


they


give.


If


so,


there


is


little hope for our cities or probably for


much else in our society. But I do not


think this is so.(2002.2.16)



(21)Specifically,


in


the


case


of


planning


for


cities,


it


is


clear


that


a


large


number


of


good


and


earnest


people


do


care


deeply


about


building


and renewing. Despite some corruption,


and


considerable


greed


for


the


other


man?s


vi


neyard,


the


intentions


going


into


the


messes


we


make


are,


on


the


whole,


exemplary.


Planners,


architects


of city design, and those they have led


along with them in their beliefs are not


consciously


disdainful


of


the


importance


of


knowing


how


things


work. On the contrary, they have gone


to


great


pains


to


learn


what


the


saints


and


sages


of


modern


orthodox


planning


have


said


about


how


cities


ought


to


work


and


what


ought


to


be


good


for


people


and


businesses


in


them.


They


take


this


with


such



8


devotion


that


when


contradictory


reality


intrudes,


threatening


to


shatter


their


dearly


won


learning,


they


must


shrug reality aside.(2002.2.17)



< br>19



小汽车的简单需求比起城市的复杂要


求来,更容易被理解和满足。


并且越来越多


的城市规 划设计师相信只要他们能解决交


通问题,那么他们就能解决城市的主要问


题。


城市里存在着比汽车交通更为错综复杂


的经济社会 问题。



在你明白城市自身如何


运作及 她还需要哪些来维护城市道路之前,


你岂能了解怎样处理交通问题。

你了解不了


的。


(2002.2.19 qq00612



)






(20)


可能是我们变得和庸民(


so


feckless


as


people do in the rest of the world?



一样无能,


可能是我们不再关心事物的内在规 律,


而只


在乎事物表现出来的那种效果


---


简单而快


捷。


如果是这样的话, 我们的城市就几乎没


什么希望,


或者可能连我们社会中其它许多


的事物也将如此。但我认为事实并非如此。


(21)

< p>
尤其是


,


就城市规划来说


,


显然有很多的


善良热心的人们深切关心城市的建设与发


展。


尽管存在某程度上的腐败以及人与人之


间 的相互倾轧现实,


人们对我们城市规划造


成的烂摊子的种种改造 设想,


总的说来,



以作为我们的榜样 。


(不过)城市规划师、


建筑师以及在他们观念影响下引导的那 些


人并非有意蔑视实事求是的重要性。相反,


他们曾经不辞辛劳 地去掌握当代正统的规


划理论的圣贤们的理论,


关于城市应当怎 样


运作


,


以及怎样做才是对城市中的人 们及事


物有益的。他们对这类理论深信不疑,


以至


于当事实与理论截然相反,


并有可能打破他


们好不容 易学到的东西时,


他们就理所应当


地把事实抛在了一边。











(22)Consider,


for


example,


the


orthodox planning reaction to a district


called the North End in Boston. This is


an old, low-rent area merging into the


heavy industry of the waterfront, and it


is officially considered Boston?s worst


slum


and


civic


shame.


It


embodies


attributes which all enlightened people


know


are


evil


because


so


many


wise


men have said they are evil. Not only


is


the


North


End


bumped


right


up


against


industry,


but


worse


still


it


has


all


kinds


of


working


places


and


commerce


mingled


in


the


greatest


complexity


with


its


residences.


It


has


the


highest


commerce


mingled


in


the


greatest complexity with its residences.


It


has


the


highest


concentration


of


dwelling


nits,


on


the


land


that


is


used


for


dwelling


units,


of


any


part


of


Boston, and indeed one of the highest


concentrations


to


be


found


in


any


American


city.


It


has


little


parkland.


Children play in the streets. Instead of


super-blocks


or


even


decently


large


blocks,


it


has


very


small


blocks;


in


planning


parlance


it


is


“badly


cut


up


with wasteful streets.” Its bu


ildings are


old.


Everything


conceivable


is


presumably wrong with the North End.


In


orthodox


planning


terms,


it


is


a


three-dimensional


textbook


of



megalopolis”


in


the


last


stages


of


depravity.


The


North


End


is


thus


a


recurring


assignment


for


M.I.T.


and


Harvard


planning


and


architectural


students,


who


now


and


again


pursue,


under


the


guidance


of


their


teachers,


the paper exercise of converting it into


super-blocks


and


park


promenades,


wiping


away


its


nonconforming


uses,


transforming it to an ideal of order and



9


gentility


so


simple


it


could


be


engraved on the head of a pin.



(22)< /p>


譬如,以正统的规划理论对波士顿一个


称为


North End


的街区的分析为例,来看一


看。


这是一块融入位于滨水地带的重工业区


的区域,


陈旧而且租金低廉,


被公认为是波


士顿最糟糕的贫民区和城市的 耻辱。


它体现


了所有文明人认为丑恶的特性

---


因为那么


多的高明人士都说过这些特性是丑恶的。< /p>



仅仅是由于该地区突出与工业区紧紧相邻,

更糟糕的是它的各式各样的工作区和商业


交易活动以最复杂的形式与居住区混合在< /p>


一起。


最频繁的商业交易活动和其居住区以


最复杂的形式相混杂。


在其用作建造住宅单


元的岛上


,


拥有波士顿最密集的住宅单元


,



实上也是在美国任何城市中所能找到的最


密集的居 住区之一。它几乎没什么公用场


地。


孩子们都在大街上玩耍。< /p>


没什么


(大型)


车辆禁行区甚至象样一点 的大型街区,


它只


拥有非常小的街区;


以规划的说法就是:




多余的街道拙 劣地分割开



。它的建筑也陈


旧不堪。


North


End


本身联想得到的每 一件


事大概都是错误的。以规划的科班术语来


说,它是一本关于



特大城市(理论)



在过


去衰落阶段的立体教科书。


North


End


也因


而被反复作为麻省理工学院和哈佛规 划建


筑专业学生的作业,在老师的指导下,


学生


们坚持不懈地在纸上把它变得拥有车辆禁


行区和公园散步场所,去除其不适宜的 用


途,


把它转变成一个秩序井然和优雅高尚的

< br>理想典范,做起来好象简单得微不足道。



(2002.2.20 leonx



)

















(23)When I saw the North End again


in


1959,


I


was


amazed


at


the


change.


Dozens


and


dozens


of


buildings


had


been


rehabilitated.


Instead


of


mattresses


against


the


windows


there


were


Venetian


blinds


and


glimpses


of


fresh


paint.


Many


of


the


small,


converted houses now had only one or


two families in them instead of the old


crowded


three


or


four.


Some


of


the


families in the tenements (as I learned


later,


visiting


inside)


had


uncrowded


themselves


by


throwing


two


older


apartments together, and had equipped


these


with


bathrooms,


new


kitchens


and


the


like.


I


looked


down


a


narrow


alley, thinking to find at least here the


old,


squalid


North


End,


but


no:


more


neatly repointed brickwork, new blinds,


and a burst of music as a door opened.


Indeed, this was the only city district I


had


ever


seen



or


have


seen


to


this


day



in


which


the


sides


of


buildings


around


parking


lots


had


not


been


left


raw


and


amputated,


but


repaired


and


painted neatly as if they were intended


to


be


seen.


Mingled


all


among


the


buildings for living were an incredible


number of splendid food stores, as well


as


such


enterprises


as


upholstery


making,


metal


working,


carpentry,


food processing. The streets were alive


with children playing, people shopping,


people strolling, people talking. Had it


not


been


a


cold


January


day,


there


would surely have been people sitting.











10



(23)


当我于

1959


年再见


NORTH END



,



讶于她的变化。


< br>成打成打的建筑恢复原貌。


由外往里看,


原本靠窗摆放的 床垫被威尼斯


风格的窗帘所替代,透过窗帘,可以瞥见墙


上清新 的油漆。


那些原来挤塞着三四个家庭


改修过的狭窄的房屋里现在 只有一户或两


户人家。


当我进去拜访时,我才发现一些租


住在里面的家庭将两套老公寓连通,


使房子


更 为宽敞,并且还配备了浴室,厨房等等设


施。


我仔细查看了一条 窄窄的过道,希望最


起码能在那儿找到肮脏陈旧


NORTH < /p>


END


的痕迹。


但是,

< br>所能发现的是比以前砌得更


整洁的砖,崭新的窗帘和开门时传来的乐


音。


事实上,这是我以前见过的或者说是迄


今为止见 到的唯一一个街区,


在其中,停车


场和住宅建筑物之间的空地没 有被废弃或


是隔断,


而是被修葺粉刷一新仿佛有意要人


看见。


与住宅区想融合的是多的难以置信的


精致 的食品店和诸如室内装潢,五金店,



具加工,


食品加工等商业。街道上由于戏耍


的孩子,购物和散步的人们而变得生气盎


然。


假如现在不是寒冷的一月,那么肯定会


有人小坐于此。


(2002.2.21 qq00612



)
























(24)The


general


street


atmosphere


of


buoyancy, friendliness and good health


was


so


infectious


that


I


began


asking


directions of people just for the fun of


getting in on some talk. I had seen a lot


of


Boston


in


the


past


couple


of


days,


most


of


it


sorely


distressing,


and


this


struck me, with relief, as the healthiest


place


in


the


city.


But


I


could


not


imagine


where


the


money


had


come


from


for


the


rehabilitation,


because


it


is


almost


impossible


today


to


get


any


appreciable


mortgage


money


in


districts of American cities that are not


either


high-rent,


or


else


imitations


of


suburbs. To find out, I went into a bar


and


restaurant


(where


an


animated


conversation


about


fishing


was


in


progress) and called a Boston planner I


know.



(25)“Why


in


the


world


are


you


down


in


the


North


End?”


he


said.


“Money?


Why, no money or work has gone into


the


North


End.


Nothing?s


going


on


down


there.


Eventually,


yes,


but


not


yet. That?s a slum!”



(26)“It doesn?t seem like a slum in the


city.


It


has


two


hundred


and


seventy-five


dwelling


units


to


the


net


acre! I hate to admit we have anything


like that in Boston,


but it?s a fact.”



(27)“Do you have any other figures on


it?” I asked.



(28)“Yes,


funny


thing.


It


has


among


the


lowest


delinquency,


disease


and


infant mortality rates in the city. It also


has


the


lowest


ratio


of


rent


to


income


in


the


city.


Boy,


are


those


people


getting bargains. Let?s see . . . the child


population is just about average for the


city, on the nose. The death rate is low,


8.8


per


thousand,


against


the


average


city


rate


of



TB


death


rate


is



11


very low, less than 1 per ten thousand,


can?t



understand


it,


it?


slower


even


than


Brookline?s.


In


the


old


days


the


North


End


used


to


be


the


city?s


worst


spot


for


tuberculosis,


but


all


that


has


changed.


Well


they


must


be


strong


people. Of course it?s a terrible slum.”




(24)


大街上轻快,


友好,

< br>健康的气氛是如此


具有传染力,


以致我开始以问路的方式 插入


人们的闲聊,


享受这份乐趣。


在过 去的几天


里我见了波士顿不少地方,


绝大多数非常让

< p>
人失望,但


NORTH


END


作为城市中最健


康的地方让我震惊,也令我慰藉。


但我 不能


想象这笔重建资金从何而来。


因为现如今在


美国,除了高租金区和仿郊区的项目,


其他


的几乎不可 能获得抵押贷款。为找到答案,


我去了间酒吧,也可称饭店。那儿,一场关


于钓鱼的谈话正如火如荼地进行着。


我给一






< p>










(2002.2.22 qq00612



)



(< /p>


25




你究竟 到


NORTH END


来做什么


?” ,


他说


:




?


为什么


?


没什么钱或是工作投


入到


NORTH


END.


那儿什么都没发生


.




,


将来会有的< /p>


,


但现在还没有


.


那是个贫民



!”





26< /p>




她看上去并不象贫民窟。她每英亩< /p>


地有


275


个单元!

我不愿承认我们在波士顿


有这样的地方,但这是事实。





27


)< /p>



你有关于她的其他数据吗?



我问


他。





28



< p>
有,很有趣。她的犯罪率,疾病率,


婴儿死亡率是全城最低的。

< p>
她的租金与收入


比也是最低。


嘿,哪儿的人们真可 算是拣到


便宜货了。我们来看看。



。 人口中,孩子所


占的比例与全市平均值持平,


刚刚到。死亡


率为千分之


8.8


,与全市平均死亡率千分 之


11



2


比 起来,很低。




TB


死亡率也低,


不到千分之一,


不可思议,


甚至比


BROOKLINE


还慢。以前


NORTH


END


是全市最严重的肺结核病高发点 ,但


所有这一切都改变了。


住在那儿的人们身体


肯定很强壮。当然她仍然是个可怕的贫民







those foreclosed buildings.)



(29) “


你们应该有更多像这样的贫民区


”,




,”


别告诉我你们正计划清除她< /p>


.


你应该亲


自下来看看

< br>,


从中你会发现许多东西


.”





(30)


“我知你感受”


,


他说


,



我经常一个 人


去那而走走感受那美好快乐的街道生活


.

< br>看


,


你该做的是夏天时回来再去那儿

,


假如你现


在觉得很有趣


.


到那时你会为她疯狂


.


但是


最终我们仍然不得不重建她


.


我们已将居民


与一些街道隔离


.” (2002.2.25 qq00612



)




(29)“You should have more slums like


this,”


I


said.“


Don?t


tell


me


there


are


plans to wipe this out. You ought to be


down here learning as much as you can


from it.”



(30)“I know how you feel,” he said.“ I


often


go


down


there


myself


just


to


walk


around


the


streets


and


feel


that


wonderful,


cheerful


street


life.


Say,


what


you


ought


to


do,


you


ought


to


come back and go down in the summer


if


y


ou


think


it?s


fun


now.


You


?d


be


crazy


about


it


in


summer.


But


of


course we have to rebuild it eventually.


We?ve


got


to


get


those


people


off


the


streets.” (2002.2.18)




(31)Here


was


a


curious


thing


.My


friend?s


instincts


told


him


the


North


End


was


a


good


place,


and


his


social


statistics


confirmed


it.


But


everything


he learned as a physical planner about


what


is


good


for


people


and


food


for


city


neighborhoods,


everything


that


made


him


an


expert,


told


him


the


North End had to be a bad place.



(32)The leading Boston savings banker,


“a


man


?way


up


there


in


the


power


structure


,”


to


whom


my


friend


referred


me


for


my


inquiry


about


the


money,


confirmed


what


I


learned,


in


the


meantime,


from


people


in


the


North End . The money had not come


now


knows


enough


about


planning


to


know a slum as well as the planners do.


“No


sense


in


lending


money


into


the


North


End,”


the


banker


said.


“It?s


a


slum! It?s still getting some immigrants!


Furthermore, back in the Depression it


had


a


very


large


number


of


foreclosures; bad record.”


(I had heard


about


this


too,


in


the


meantime,


and


how


families


had


worked


and


pooled


their


resources


to


buy


back


some


of



12







(31)


这是件古怪的事。我朋友的直觉告诉他


NORTH END


是个 好地方,


且他手上的关于


社会方面的数据也证明了这点。


但是作为一


名循规蹈矩的城市规划者,


他所学 的关于什


么有利于人民,


有利于城市周边地区发展的

< p>
知识和那些使他成为专家的的学识告诉他


NORTH


END


不得不是个糟糕的地方。


(2002.2.27 qq00612



)


< p>
(32)


关于资金来源问题,那位朋友让我向波


士 顿最首要的管理存款业务的银行家咨询,


他也是权力机构中举足轻重的人物。

< p>
这位银


行家证明了我从


NORTH


END


里获悉的情


况,


资金 并不是从银行系统中而来。现在的


银行和规划师一样懂得足够的规划知识,



道什么是贫民区。



将钱 投入到


NORTH END


完全没有意义。


银行家说道:她是个贫民


窟!


而 且至今仍有人迁徙进来。


更糟糕的是,


在经济大萧条期间,


那地区大量住户被银行


取消赎回房屋权,纪录不良

< br>.”


(我曾经听说


过这消息,


并 且在那儿参观时还听说了人们


是如何工作以买回一部分被银行禁止赎取

< br>的楼盘。





(2002.2.28 qq00612



)









(33)The


largest


mortgage


loans


that


had been fed into this district of some


15,000


people


in


the


quarter-century


since


the


Great


Depression


were


for


$$3,000, the banker told me, “and very,


very


few


of


those.”


The


rehabilitation


work


had


been


almost


entirely


financed


by


business


and


housing


earnings


within


the


district,


plowed


back


in,


and


by


skilled


work


bartered


among


residents


and


relatives


of


residents.



(34)By


this


time


I


knew


that


this


inability


to


borrow


for


improvement


was


a


galling


worry


to


North


Enders,


and


that


furthermore


some


North


Enders


were


worried


because


it


seemed impossible to get new building


in the area except at the price of seeing


themselves and their community wiped


out


in


the


fashion


of


the


students?


dreams


of


a


city


Eden,


a


fate


which


they knew was not academic because it


had


already


smashed


completely


a


socially


similar



although


physically


more


spacious



nearby


district


called


the


West


End.


They


were


worried


because


they


were


aware


also


that


patch


and


fix


with


nothing


else


could


not


do


forever.


“Any


chance


of


loans


for


new


construction


in


the.


North


End?” I asked the banker.



(35)“No,


absolutely



not!”


he


said,


sounding


impatient


at


my


denseness.


“That?s a slum!”












13



(33)“


经济大萧条后的


25


年内


,


在这个拥有


1 5000


人的地区


,


最大金额的抵押贷 款只有


3000



,”


银行家告诉我


,



且贷款数 量相当


相当少


.”


重建项目的资金决 大多数来自区


域内的商业和住房供给项目的赢利及再投


资所获的 利


,


还有当地居民


,

< br>居民亲戚间的技


术劳动的交换


.



(2002.3.1 qq00612



)








(34)


至此,我终于明白无能贷款进行社区改

建对于北角居民而言的确是一大烦恼,


且在


未来也不可能修 建新建筑,


除非以按照学生


间流行的伊甸园梦之城将他们的家园 完完


全全取而代之为代价。


北角居民为这样的命


运担忧,


他们已看到所谓伊甸园之城并不是


基于学术上 ,


因为它已彻底瓦解了位于北角


附近,与北角社会结构相似


----


虽然空间上


要小于北角,


名为西角的街区。北角居民为


他们的前景担忧,


他们已意识到仅仅修修补


补之类的改建不会一直持续下去。


“< /p>


有可能


为北角新建项目贷到款吗?



我问那位银行


家。











(35)“


不,绝对不可能!


< p>
他说,对于我的重


复追问似乎以不耐烦,



那里是贫民区!




(2002.4.17 qq00612



)












(36)Bankers,


like


planners,


have


theories about cities on which they act.


They


have


gotten


their


theories


from


the


same


intellectual


sources


as


the


planners.


Bankers


and


government


administrative


officials


who


guarantee


mortgages


do


not


invent


planning


theories


nor,


surprisingly,


even


economic


doctrine


about


cities.


They


are


enlightened


nowadays,


and


they


pick


up


their


ideas


from


idealists,


major new ideas for considerably more


than a generation, theoretical planners,


financers


and


bureaucrats


are


all


just


about even today.



(37)And to put it bluntly, they are all in


the


same


stage


of


elaborately


learned


superstition


as


medical


science


was


early


in


the


last


century,


when


physicians


put


their


faith


in


bloodletting


,


to


draw


out


the


evil


humors


which


were


believed


to


cause


disease.


With


bloodletting,


it


took


years


of


learning


to


know


precisely


which


veins,


by


what


rituals,


were


to


be


opened


for


what


symptoms.


A


superstructure


of


technical


complication


was


erected


in


such


deadpan


detail


that


the


literature


still


sounds


almost


plausible.


However,


because


people,


even


when


they


are


thoroughly


enmeshed


in


descriptions


of


reality


which


are


at


variance


with


reality,


are


still


seldom


devoid


of


the


powers of observation and independent


thought,


the


science


of


bloodletting,


over


most


of


its


long


sway,


appears


usually


to


have


been


tempered


with


a


certain amount of common sense. Or it


was


tempered


until


it


reached


its


highest


peaks


of


technique


in,


of


all


places,


the


young


United


States.


Bloodletting went wild here.



14



(36)


银行家同规划师一样,


对于 他们运作的


城市有着同样的认知,


如同规划师般从丰富


的资源里获悉原理。令人惊奇的是,银行家


与为贷款抵押担保的政府行政 官员既不是


规划理论的创建者,


也不是城市经济学说的


著述者。


然而现在他们被启蒙了,


从较其晚


一辈的理想主义者那儿拾取理论。


由于纯理


论性的城市规划学说并不具备大量跨年代


的新观点,规划师,


金 融家和官僚家现如今


也只是蠢蠢欲动罢了。


(2002.4.2 1


qq00612



)








(37)


坦白而言


,


它们全部都在诸如上世纪早


期的医学那样处于过度痴迷于迷信的阶段

< p>
之中


,


当时


,


医生们相信放血能够释放出人


体内的致病病魔


.


由于放血这个错误的治疗


手段


,


医生们用了多年才准确地知道


,


对于


什么样的症状


,


用什么方式

< p>
,


适宜切开什么人


体管道


.


但是一个技术上的障碍在宏观结构


上已经被建立起来


,


并且有着直观的细节


,

< br>所以即使如此糟糕的放血治疗仍然听起来


是可行的


. < /p>


因为人们即使耳濡目染在纷繁复


杂的对现实的描述中


,


这些描述是与现实有


出入的

,


人们还是会保有观察与独立思考的


能力

< br>,


然而


,


放血的伪科学在它长 年的轨迹



,


似乎显得与常识有一些背道而驰


.


或 是



,


它在达到自身技术的最高峰时< /p>


,


与常识背


道而驰


.


这时候


,


每一个地方

< p>
,


尤其是美国


,



血治疗疯狂地被实践着


.
















Benjamin Rush


医生有着极为有影响力的支


持呼声


,


在我们革命与联邦时期


,


他仍然被


视为最伟大的政治家与医生


,


并且是一个天


才般的医务管理人才


.


“Rush


医生能做到


”.


在他所做的事当中


,


有一些是好的


,


有用的


,


有一些则是在 细心和仁慈阻碍了放血治疗


的传统时


,


去发展


,


实践


,


教育和拓展它


.


他和


他的学生们对 幼儿


,


对老人


,


对几乎所有在他


的势力范围内不幸害病的人们放血


.


他的极


端行为激起了欧洲放血医师的警觉和恐慌


.


但是


,


直到现在


1851



,


一个由纽约州政 府任


命的委员会仍然严正地为放血的全面应用


辩护


. William Turner


觉得被这个事实严重地

< br>戏弄与侮辱了


,


他便勇敢地写了一个小册子


Rush;


批评


Rush


医 生的教条和声称



放血的


实践有违常识


,


通常经验


,


开放的理由与神圣


的法律


. (2002.7.20 Divercity



)




























15


It


had


an


enormously


influential


proponent


in


Dr.


Benjamin


Rush,


still


revered


as


the


greatest


statesman-physician


of


our


revolutionary


and


federal


periods,


and


a genius of medical administration. Dr.


Rush


Got


Things


Done.


Among


the


things he got done, some of them good


and


useful,


were


to


develop,


practice,


teach


and


spread


the


custom


of


bloodletting


in


cases


where


prudence


or


mercy


had


heretofore


restrained


its


use.


He


and


his


students


drained


the


blood


of


very


young


children,


of


consumptives,


of


the


greatly


aged,


of


almost


anyone


unfortunate


enough


to


be sick in his realms of influence. His


extreme


practices


aroused


the


alarm


and


horror


of


European


bloodletting


physicians. And


yet as


late as 1851, a


committee


appointed


by


the


State


Legislature


of


New


York


solemnly


defended


the


thoroughgoing


use


of


bloodletting.


It


scathingly


ridiculed


and


censured


a


physician,


William


Turner, who had the temerity to write a


pamphlet


criticizing


Dr.


Rush?s


doctrines


and


calling


“the


pr


actice


of


taking


blood


in


diseases


contrary


to


common


sense,


to


general


experience,


to


enlightened


reason


and


to


the


manifest


laws


of


the


divine


Providence.”


Sick


people


needed


fortifying, not draining, said Dr. Turner,


and he was squelched













(38)Medical


analogies,


applied


to


social


organisms,


are


apt


to


be


farfetched,


and


there


is


no


point


in


mistaking


mammalian


chemistry


for


what occurs in a city. But analogies as


to what goes on in the brains of earnest


and


learned


men,


dealing


with


complex


phenomena


they


do


not


understand at all and trying to make do


with


a


pseudoscience,


do


have


point.


At in the pseudoscience of bloodletting,


just


so


in


the


pseudoscience


of


city


rebuilding


and


planning,


years


of


learning


and


a


plethora


of


subtle


and


complicated


dogma


have


arisen


on


a


foundation


of


nonsense.


The


tools


of


technique have steadily been perfected.


Naturally,


in


time,


forceful


and


able


men,


admired


administrators,


having


swallowed


the


initial


fallacies


and


having been provisioned with tools and


with public confidence or mercy might


previously


have


forbade.


Bloodletting


could heal only by accident or insofar


as


it


broke


the


rules,


until


the


time


when it was abandoned in favor of the


hard, complex business of assembling,


using


and


testing,


bit


by


bit,


true


descriptions of reality drawn not from


how it ought to be, but from how it is.


The


pseudoscience


of


city


planning


and


its


companion,


the


art


of


city


design,


have


not


yet


broken


with


the


specious


comfort


of


wishes,


familiar


superstitions,


oversimplifications,


and


symbols,


and


have


not


yet


embarked


upon the adventure of probing the real


world.



(39)So


in


this


book


we


shall


start,


if


only in a small way, adventuring in the


real


world,


ourselves.


The


way


to


get


at


what


goes


on


in


the


seemingly


mysterious


and


perverse


behavior


of



16


cities


is,


I


think,


to


look


closely,


and


with as little previous expectation as is


possible,


at


the


most


ordinary


scenes


and


events,


and


attempt


to


see


what


they mean and whether any threads of


principle


emerge


among


them.


This


is


what I try to do in the first part of this


book.




(38)


医学的类比,用于社会组织就不免牵


强 ;


而且把哺乳动物的生物化学误当作城市


里发生的一切也毫无道 理。


但是将这个类比


用于热诚有识之士的所思所想,

< p>
面对他们不


能理解的复杂现象而试图以伪科学来解释,

就很有几分道理。


就如在放血疗法这一伪科


学中一样,城市 改造和规划方面的伪科学


中,


积累经年的学识和连篇累椟的复杂 微妙


的教条完全建立在荒谬的基础上。


技术手段


不断稳步完善着。自然而然地,随着时间,


强干的人们,


令人仰慕的管理者们,把最初


的谬见囫囵吞下,


并被供以工具 、


公众信心


以及曾被禁止的仁慈。


放血 疗法能够奏效仅


只因为机缘巧合,或者某种程度上突破成


规;它 一点一点直至某一天终被抛弃


--


感谢


艰辛繁复的调配、使用和检测工作


--


对现实

< br>的正确描述来自于



它究竟如何



,而非




应该如何



。城市规划的伪科学以及与其相

伴的城市设计艺术,


还没有告别伪善的祝颂


安慰、


常见的迷信、


过度的简单化以及符号,


还没有踏 上探索真实世界的冒险征程。




(3 9)


因此在本书我们将开始


--


哪怕仅 仅是


从很小的方面


--


探索真实世界的 ,我们自己


的冒险历程。


通向了解看来神秘的和行为乖


张的城市的路径,我以为,是近距离观察;


先入之见越少越好,


于最寻常的景象和事件


中,


尝试理解其中意义,


以及其间有否出现


有关原理的任何线


? /


font>











(40)One


principle


emerges


so


ubiquitously, and in so many and such


complex different forms, that I turn my


attention


to


its


nature


in


the


second


part


of


this


book,


a


part


which


becomes


the


heart


of


my


argument.


This ubiquitous principle is the need of


cities


for


a


most


intricate


and


close-grained


diversity


of


uses


that


give


each


other


constant


mutual


support,


both


economically


and


socially.


The


components


of


this


diversity


can


differ


enormously,


but


they


must


supplement


each


other


in


certain concrete ways.




(41)I think that unsuccessful city areas


are


areas


which


lack


this


kind


of


intricate


mutual


support,


and


that


the


science of city planning and the are of


city


design,


in


real


life


for


real


cities,


must


become


the


science


and


art


of


catalyzing


and


nourishing


these


close-grained


working


relationships.


I


think,


from


the


evidence


I


can


find,


that


there


are


four


primary


conditions


required


for


generating


useful


great


city


diversity,


and


that


by


deliberately


inducing


these


four


conditions,


planning


can


induce


city


vitality


(something


that


the


plans


of


planners


alone,


and


the


designs


of


designers


alone, can never achieve). While Part I


Is principally about the social behavior


of people in cities, and is necessary for


understanding


what


follows,


Part


II


is


principally


about


the


economic


behavior


of


cities


and


is


the


most


important part of this book.








17















































(42)Cities


are


fantastically


dynamic


places,


and


this


is


striking


true


of


their


successful


parts,


which


offer


a


fertile


ground


for


the


plans


of


thousands


of


people.


In


the


third


part


of


this


book,


I


examine


some


aspects of decay and regeneration, in


the light of how cities are used, and


how they and their people behave, in


real life.




(43)The


last


part


of


the


book


suggests


changes


in


housing,


traffic,


design,


planning


and


administrative


practice,


and


discusses,


finally


the


kind of problem which cities pose



a


problem


in


handling


organized


complexity.



(44)The


look


of


things


and


the


way


they


work


are


inextricably


bound


together,


and


in


no


place


more


so


than


cities.


But


people


who


are


interested only in how a city “ought”


to


look


and


uninterested


in


how


it


works


will


be


disappointed


by


this


book.


It


is


futile


to


plan


a


city?s


appearance,


or


speculate


on


how


to


endow it with a pleasing appearance


of order, without knowing what sort


of


innate,


functioning


order


it


has.


To


seek


for


the


look


of


things


as


a


primary


purpose


or


as


the


main


drama


is


apt


to


make


nothing


but


trouble.













18















































(45)In


New


York?s


East


Harlem


there


is


a


housing


project


with


a


conspicuous rectangular lawn which


became


an


object


of


hatred


to


the


project


tenants.


A


social


worker


frequently


at


the


project


was


astonished


by


how


often


the


subject


of


the


lawn


came


up,


usually


gratuitously


as


far


as


she


could


see,


and


how


much


the


tenants


despised


it


and


urged


that


it


be


done


away


with. When she asked why, the usual


answer


was,


“What


good


is


it?”


or


“Who


wants


it?”


Finally


one


day


a


tenant


more


articulate


than


the


others


made


this


pronouncement:


“Nobody


care


d


what


we


wanted


when


they


built


this


place.


They


threw


our


houses


down


and


pushed


us here and around here to get a cup


of


coffee


or


a


newspaper


even,


or


borrow


fifty


cents.


Nobody


cared


what we need. But the big men come


and look at that grass and say, ?Isn?t


it


wonderful!


Now


the


poor


have


everything!”



(46)This


tenant


was


saying


what


moralists have said for thousands of


years:


Handsome


is


as


handsome


does. All that flitters is not gold.



(47)She was saying more: There is a


quality


even


meaner


than


outright


ugliness or disorder, and this meaner


quality


is


the


dishonest


mask


of


pretended


order,


achieved


by


ignoring


or


suppressing


the


real


order


that


is


struggling


to


exist


and


to be served.









19















































(48)In


trying


to


explain


the


underlying


order


of


cities,


I


use


a


preponderance


of


examples


from


New


York


because


that


is


where


I


live.


But


most


of


the


basic


ideas


in


this


book


come


from


things


I


first


noticed


or


was


told


in


other


cities.


For


example,


my


first


inkling


about


the powerful effects of certain kinds


of


functional


mixtures


in


the


city


came


from


Pittsburgh,


my


first


speculations about street safety from


Philadelphia and Baltimore, my first


notions


about


the


meanderings


of


downtown


from


Boston,


my


first


clues to the unmaking of slums from


Chicago.


Most


of


the


material


for


these


musings


was


at


my


own


front


door, but perhaps it is easiest to see


things


first


where


you


don?t


take


them for granted. The basic idea, to


try


to


begin


understanding


the


intricate


social


and


economic


order


under the seeming disorder of cities,


was


not


my


idea


at


all,


but


that


of


William Kirk, head worker of Union


Settlement


in


East


Harlem,


New


York,


who,


by


showing


me


East


Harlem, showed me a way of seeing


other


neighborhood,


and


down-towns


too.


In


every


case,


I


have tried to test out


what I saw or


heard


in


one


city


or


neighborhood


against


others,


to


find


how


relevant


each


city?s


or


each


place?s


lessons


might be outside its own special case.











20















































(49)I


have


concentrated


on


great


cities,


and


on


their


inner


areas,


because this is the problem that has


been


most


consistently


evaded


in


planning


theory.


I


think


this


may


also have somewhat wider usefulness


as time passes, because


many of the


parts


of


today?


s


cities


in


the


worst,


and


apparently


most


baffling,


trouble


were


suburbs


or


dignified,


quiet


residential


areas


not


too


long


ago;


eventually


many


of


today?s


brand-new


suburbs


or


semisuburbs


are going to be engulfed in cities and


will succeed or fail in that condition


depending


on


whether


they


can


adapt


to


functioning


successfully


as


city districts. Also, to be frank, I like


dense


cities


best


and


care


about


them most.



(50)But I hope no reader will try to


transfer my observations into guides


as to what goes on in town, on little


cities,


or


in


suburbs


which


still


are


suburban. Towns, suburbs and even


little


cities


are


totally


different


organisms


from


great


cities.


We


are


in


enough


trouble


already


from


trying


to


understand


big


cities


in


terms


of


the


behavior,


and


the


imagined


behavior,


of


towns.


To


try


to understand towns in terms of big


cities will only compound confusion.



(51)I


hope


any


reader


of


this


book


will


constantly


and


skeptically


test


what


I


say


against


his


own


knowledge


of


cities


and


their


behavior.


If


I


have


been


inaccurate


in


observations


or


mistaken


in


inferences


and


conclusions,


I


hope


these faults will be quickly corrected.


The point is, we need desperately to


learn


and


to


apply


as


much



21


knowledge


that


is


true


and


useful


about cities as fast as possible.














































(52)I


have


been


making


unkind


remarks


about


orthodox


city


planning


theory,


and


shall


make


more as occasion arises to do so. By


now, these orthodox ideas are part of


our


folklore.


They


harm


us


because


we


take


them


for


granted.


To


show


how we got them, and how little they


are to the point, I shall give a quick


outline


here


of


the


most


influential


ideas


that


have


contributed


to


the


verities


of


orthodox


modern


city


planning


and


city


architectural


design.



(53)The


most


important


thread


of


influence


starts,


more


or


less,


with


Ebenezer Howard, an English court


reporter


for


whom


planning was


an


avocation.


Howard


looked


at


the


living


conditions


of


the


poor


in


late- nineteenth-century London, and


justifiably


did


not


like


what


he


smelled or saw or heard. He not only


hared


the


wrongs


and


mistakes


of


the


city,


he


hated


the


city


and


thought


it


an


outright


evil


and


an


affront


to


nature


that


so


many


people should get themselves into an


agglomeration.


His


prescription


for


saving the people was to do the city


in.
















22















































(54)The


program


he


proposed,


in


1898,


was


to


halt


the


growth


of


London


and


also


repopulate


the


countryside,


where


villages


were


declining, by building a new king of


town



the


Garden


City,


where


the


city


poor


might


again


live


close


to


nature.


So


they


might


earn


their


living,


industry


was


to


be


set


up


in


the


Garden


City,


for


while


Howard


was


not


planning


cities,


he


was


not


planning


dormitory


suburbs


either.


His


aim


was


the


creation


of


self-sufficient


small


towns,


really


very


nice


towns


if


you


were


docile


and


had


no


plans


of


your


own


and


did


nor


mind


spending


your


life


among


other


with


no


plans


of


their


own.


As


in


all


Utopias,


the


right


to


have


plans


of


any


significance


belonged


only


to


the


planners


in


charge.


The


Garden


City


was


to


be


encircled


with


a


belt


of


agriculture.


Industry


was


to


be


in


its


planned


preserves;


schools,


housing


and


greens


in


planned


living


preserves;


and


in


the


center


were


to


be


commercial, club and cultural places,


held


in


common.


The


town


and


greed


belt,


in


their


totality,


were


to


be


permanently


controlled


by


the


public


authority


under


which


the


town


was


developed,


to


prevent


speculation


or


supposedly


irrational


changes


in


land


use


and


also


to


do


away with temptations to increase its


density



in brief, to prevent it from


ever becoming a city. The maximum


population


was


to


be


held


to


thirty


thousand people.



(55)Nathan


Glazer


has


summed


up


the


vision


well


in


Architectural


Forum: “The image was the


English



23


country


town



with


the


manor


house


and


its


park


replaced


by


a


community


center,


and


with


some


factories


hidden


behind


a


screen


of


trees, to supply work.”











































(56)The closest American equivalent


would


probably


be


the


model


company


town,


with


profit-sharing,


and


with


the


parent-Teacher


Associations in charge of the routine,


custodial


political


life.


For


Howard


was


envisioning


not


simply


a


new


physical environment and social life.


But


a


paternalistic


political


and


economic society.



(57)Nevertheless,


as


Glazer


has


pointed


out,


the


Garden


City


was


“conceived


as


an


alternative


to


the


city,


and


as


a


solution


to


city


problems;


this


was,


and


is


still,


the


foundation


of


its


immense


power


as


a


planning


idea.”


Howard


managed


to


get


two


garden


cities


built,


Letchworth


and


Welwyn,


and


of


course


England


and


Sweden


have,


since the Second World War, built a


number


of


satellite


towns


based


on


Garden


City


principles.


In


the


United


States,


the


suburb


of


Radburn,


N.J.,


and


the


depression-built,


government-sponsored


Green


Belt


towns


(actually


suburbs)


were


all


incomplete modifications on the idea.


But Howard?s influence in the literal,


or


reasonably


literal,


acceptance


of


his


program


was


as


nothing


compared


to


his


influence


on


conceptions underlying all American


city


planning


today.


City


planners


and designers with no interest in the


Garden


City,


as


such,


are


still


thoroughly


governed


intellectually


by its underlying principles.








24















































(58)Howard


set


spinning


powerful


and


city-destroying


ideas:


He


conceived


that


the


way


to


deal


with


the


city?s


functions


was


to


sort


and


sift


out


of


the


whole


certain


simple


uses, and to arrange each of these in


relative self-containment. He focused


on


the


provision


of


wholesome


housing


as


the


central


problem,


to


which everything else was subsidiary;


furthermore


he


defined


whole


some


housing


in


terms


only


of


suburban


physical


qualities


and


small-town


social


qualities.


He


conceived


of


commerce


in


terms


limited


market.


He


conceived


of


good


planning


as


a


series of static acts; in each case the


plan


must


anticipate


all


that


is


needed


and


be


protected,


after


it


is


built,


against


any


but


the


most


minor


subsequent


changes.


He


conceived


of


planning


also


as


essentially


paternalistic,


of


not


authoritarian.


He


was


uninterested


in the aspects of the city which could


not be abstracted to serve his Utopia.


In particular, he simply wrote off the


intricate,


many-faceted,


cultural


life


of


the


metropolis.


He


was


uninterested in such problems as the


way great cities police themselves, or


exchange ideas, or operate politically,


or


invent


new


economic


arrangements,


and


he


was


oblivious


to devising ways to strengthen these


functions


because,


after


all,


he


was


not designing for this


kind of life in


any case.



(59)Both


in


his


preoccupations


and


in his omissions, Howard made sense


in his owm terms but none in terms


of


city


planning.


Yet


virtually


all


modern


city


planning


has


been



25


adapted


from,


and


embroidered


on,


this silly substance.














































(60)Howard?s influence on American


city


planning


converged


on


the


city


from two directions: from town and


regional


planners


on


the


one


hand,


and


from


architects


on


the


other.


Along


the


avenue


of


planning,


Sir


Patrick


Geddes,


a


Scots


biologist


and


philosopher,


saw


the


Garden


City idea


not


as


a


fortuitous way


to


absorb population growth otherwise


destine


for


a


great


city,


but


as


the


starting


point


of


a


much


grander


and more encompassing pattern. He


thought


of


the


planning


of


cities


in


terms


of


the


planning


of


whole


regions.


Under


regional


planning,


garden


cities


would


be


rationally


distributed


throughout


large


territories,


dovetailing


into


natural


resources,


balanced


against


agriculture


and


woodland,


forming


one far-flung logical whole.



(61)Howard?s


and


Geddes?


ideas


were


enthusiatically


adopted


in


America


during


the


1920?s


and


developed


further


by


a


group


of


extraordinarily


effective


and


dedicated


people



among


them


Lewis Mumford, Clarence Stein, the


late


Henry


Wright,


and


Catherine


Bauer.


While


they


thought


of


themselves


as


regional


planners,


Catherine


Bauer


has


more


recently


called


this


group


the


“Decentrists,”


and


this


name


is


more


apt,


for


the


primary result of regional planning,


as


they


saw


it,


would


be


to


decentralize


great


cities,


thin


them


out,


and


disperse


their


enterprises


and


populations


into


smaller,


separated cities or, better yet, towns.


At


the


time,


it


appeared


that


the


American population was both aging



26


and leveling off in numbers, and the


problem


appeared


to


be


not


one


of


accommodating


a


rapidly


growing


population,


but


simply


of


redistributing a static population.











































(62)As


with


Howard


himself,


this


group?; influence was less in getting


literal


acceptance


of


its


program



that


got


nowhere



than


in


influencing


city


planning


and


legislation


affecting


housing


and


housing


finance.


Model


housing


schemes


by


Stein


and


Wright,


built


mainly in suburban settings or at the


fringes


of


cities,


together


with


the


writings


and


the


diagrams,


sketches


and


photographs


presented


by


Mumford


and


Bauer,


demonstrated


and popularized ideas such as these,


which


are


now


taken


for


granted


in


orthodox planning: The street is bad


as


an


environment


for


humans;


houses


should


be


turned


away


from


it


and


faced


inward,


toward


sheltered


greens.


Frequent


streets


are


wasteful,


of


advantage


only


to


real estate speculators who measure


value


by


the


front


foot.


The


basic


unit


of


city


design


is


not


the


street,


but the block and more particularly


the


super-block,


Commerce


should


be


segregated


from


residences


and


greens.


A


neighborhood?s


demand


for


goods


should


be


calculated


“scientifically,”


and


this


much


and


no more commercial space allocated.


The


presence


of


many


other


people


is, at best, a necessary evil, and good


city


planning


must


aim


for


at


least


an


illusion


of


isolation


and


suburbany


privacy.


The


Decentrists


also


pounded


in


Howard?;


premises


that the planned community must be


islanded off as a self-contained unit,


that it must resist future change, and


that every significant detail must be


controlled


by


the


planners


from


the


start


and


them


stuck


to.


In


short,



27


good planning was project planning.















































(63)To


reinforce


and


dramatize


the


necessity for the new order of things,


the


Decentrists


hammered


away


at


the bad old city. They were incurious


about successes in great cities. They


were


interested


only


in


failures.


All


was


failure.


A


book


like


Munford?s


The


Culture


of


Cities


was


largely


a


morbid


and


biased


catalog


of


ills.


The


great


city


was


Megalopolis,


Tyrannopolis,


Nekropolis,


a


monstrosity,


a


tyranny,


a


living


death.


It


must


go.


New


York?;


midtown


was


“solidified


chaos”


(Mumfors).


The


shape


and


appearance of cities was nothing but


“a


chaotic


accident


.


.


.


the


summation


of


the


haphazard,


antagonistic


whims


of


many


self- centered,


ill-advised


individuals”


(Stein).


The


centers


of


cities


amounted


to


“a


foreground


of


noise,


dirt,


beggars,


souvenirs


and


shrill


competitive


advertising


(Bauer).



(64)How


could


anything


so


bad


be


worth the attempt to understand it?


The


Decentrists?


analyses,


the


architectural


and


housing


designs


which


were


companions


and


offshoots


of


these


analyses,


the


national


housing


and


home


financing


legislation


so


directly


influenced by the new vision-none of


these


had


anything


to


do


with


understanding


cities,


or


fostering


successful large cities, nor were they


intended


to.


They


were


reasons


and


means


for


jettisoning


cities,


and


the


Decentrists were frank about this.



(65)But


in


the


schools


of


planning


and


architecture,


and


in


Congress,


state


legislatures


and


city


halls


too,



28


the Decentrists? ideas were gradually


accepted


as


basic


guides


for


dealing


constructively


with


big


cities


themselves. This is the most amazing


event


in


the


whole


sorry


tale:


that


finally


people


who


sincerely


wanted


to


strengthen


great


cities


should


adopt


recipes


frankly


devised


for


undermining


their


economies


and


killing them.






































(66)The man with the most dramatic


idea


of


how


to


get


all


this


anti-city


planning


right


into


the


citadels


of


iniquity


themselves


was


the


European


architect


Le


Corbusier.


He


devised


in


the


1920?s


a


dream


city which he called the Radiant City,


composed


not


of


the


low


buildings


beloved


of


the


Decentrists,


but


instead mainly of skyscrapers within


a


park


.


“Suppose


we


are


entering


the city by way of the Great Park,”


Le


Corbusier


wrote.


“Out


fast


car


takes the special elevate motor track


between the majestic skyscrapers: as


we approach nearer, there is seen the


repetition


against


the


sky


of


the


twenty-four


skyscrapers;


to


our


left


and


right


on


the


outskirts


of


each


particular


area


are


the


municipal


and


administrative


buildings;


and


enclosing the space are the museums


and


university


buildings.


The


whole


city


is


a


Park.”


In


Le


Corbusier?s


vertical


city


the


common


run


of


mankind


was


to


be


housed


at


1,200


inhabitants


to


the


acre,


a


fantastically high city density indeed,


but


because


of


building


up


so


high,


95


percent


of


the


ground


could


remain open. The skyscrapers would


occupy only 5 percent of the ground.


The high-income people would be in


lower, luxury housing around courts,


with


85


percent


of


their


ground


left


open.


Here


and


there


would


be


restaurants and theaters.










29















































(67)Le


Corbusier


was


planning


not


only a physical environment. He was


planning


for


a


social


Utopia


too.


Le


Corbusier?s


Utopia


was


a


condition


of


what


he


called


maximum


individual liberty, by which he seems


to


have


meant


not


liberty


to


do


anything


much,


but


liberty


from


ordinary


responsibility.


In


his


Radiant City much, but liberty from


ordinary


responsibility.


In


his


Radiant


City


nobody,


presumably,


was going to have to be his brother?s


keeper any more. Nobody was going


to have to struggle with plans of his


own.


Nobody


was


going


to


be


tied


down.



(68)The


Decentrists


and


other


loyal


advocates


of


the


Garden


City


were


aghast


at


Le


Corbusier?s


city


of


towers


in


the


park,


and


still


are.


Their reaction to it was and remains,


much


like


that


of


progressive


nursery


school


teachers


confronting


an


utterly


institutional


orphanage.


And yet, ironically, the Radiant City


comes


directly


out


of


the


Garden


City.


Le


Corbusier


accepted


the


Garden


City?s


fundamental


image,


superficially at least, and worked to


make


it


practical


for


high


densities.


He


described


his


creation


as


the


Garden


City


made


attainable.


“Nature melts under the invasion of


roads


and


houses


and


the


promised


seclusion


becomes


a


crowded


settlement . . .


The


solution


will


be


found in the ?vertical garden city.?”









30













































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