-
A More Perfect Union
Remarks of
Senator Barack Obama
Philadelphia, PA |
March 18, 2008
为了更完美的联邦
巴拉克·奥巴马
2008
年
3
月
18
日在美国宾夕法尼亚州费
城的演讲
海星
译
“我们
[<
/p>
美利坚合众国的
]
人民，为缔造一个更完
美的联邦。”
Two
hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that
still stands across
the
street,
a
group
of
men
gathered
and,
with
these
simple
words,
launched
America's
improbable
experiment
in
democracy.
Farmers
and
scholars;
statesmen
and
patriots
who
had
traveled
across
an
ocean
to
escape
tyranny
and
persecution
finally
made
real
their
declaration of
independence at a Philadelphia convention that
lasted
through the spring of 1787.
221
年前，
一群人聚集在至今仍屹立在这条街上的市政厅里，
用上述这样简洁的
< br>言语，
发起了美利坚不可思议的民主实验。
农场主和学者
，
政治家与爱国者们为
逃脱政治专制和宗教迫害，
横渡大洋，
最终在费城会议上发表了他们的独立宣言。
——这一会议一直延续了
1787
年的春天。
The
document
they
produced
was
eventually
signed
but
ultimately
unfinished.
It
was
stained
by
this
nation's
original
sin
of
slavery,
a
question
that
divided
the
colonies
and
brought
the
convention
to
a
stalemate until the founders chose to
allow the slave trade to continue
for
at least twenty more years, and to leave any final
resolution to future
generations.
他们讨论出的文件得以签署通过但尚未最终完成。
它因这个国家的奴隶制原罪而
劣迹斑斑，
这一问题
分裂着殖民地的定居者们，
使得费城会议陷入僵局，
最后建
国者们决定同意奴隶贸易再继续开展至少二十年，
而将这一问题留待
子孙后代去
解决。
Of course, the answer to the slavery
question was already embedded
within
our Constitution - a Constitution that had at its
very core the ideal
of
equal
citizenship
under
the
law;
a
Constitution
that
promised
its
people
liberty,
and
justice,
and
a
union
that
could
be
and
should
be
perfected over time.
当然，
对奴隶制问题的解决在我们的宪法中已经生根发芽，
< br>法律之下平等的公民
权理念是这部宪法的核心；
它向人民
许诺自由、
公平和一个随着时间推移能够且
应当被不断完善的联
邦。
And yet words
on a parchment would not be enough to deliver
slaves
from bondage, or provide men and
women of every color and creed
their
full
rights
and
obligations
as
citizens
of
the
United
States.
What
would be needed were
Americans in successive generations who were
willing to do their part - through
protests and struggle, on the streets and
in the courts, through a civil war and
civil disobedience and always at
great
risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of
our ideals and
the reality of their
time.
但写就在羊皮纸上的宣言尚不足以使奴隶摆脱奴
役，
或向不同肤色和信仰不同宗
教的人们提供他们作为美国公民
理应享有的充分的权利和义务。
这就需要那些愿
意履行其职责的
后来者去缩小我们的理想承诺与人们所处时代的社会现实间的
差距，
——他们得经过街头抗议和法庭抗争，
经过内战和和平违法，
这其间总是
险象环生。
This was one of the tasks we set forth
at the beginning of this campaign
- to
continue the long march of those who came before
us, a march for
a more just, more
equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous
America.
I
chose
to
run
for
the
presidency
at
this
moment
in
history
because
I
believe
deeply
that
we
cannot
solve
the
challenges
of
our
time
unless
we
solve
them
together
-
unless
we
perfect
our
union
by
understanding
that
we
may
have
different
stories,
but
we
hold
common hopes; that we may not look the
same and we may not have
come
from
the
same
place,
but
we
all
want
to
move
in
the
same
direction
-
towards
a
better
future
for
our
children
and
our
grandchildren.
继
续前人长久以来的、为建立一个更公正、公平、自由、更负责任且更繁荣的美
国的努力，
这是我们在这场总统竞选一开始就定下的任务之一。
我之所以决
定在
这一历史关头竞选总统，
是因为我坚信我们只有联合起来，
才能应对我们这个时
代的挑战，
才能为
我们的子孙后代创设一个更好的明天——只有相互理解，
懂得
我
们也许有不同的故事，
但拥有共同的愿望；
懂得也许我们肤色不
同，
来自不同
地方，但我们想要同一个梦想，才能使我们的国家
更完善。
This
belief
comes
from
my
unyielding
faith
in
the
decency
and
generosity
of
the
American
people.
But
it
also
comes
from
my
own
American story.
这一信念来自于我对正派而慷慨的美国人民坚定不移的信心。
同时它也源自我自
己的美国故事。
I
am
the
son
of
a
black
man
from
Kenya
and
a
white
woman
from
Kansas. I was raised
with the help of a white grandfather who survived
a
Depression
to
serve
in
Patton's
Army
during
World
War
II
and
a
white
grandmother
who
worked
on
a
bomber
assembly
line
at
Fort
Leavenworth
while
he
was
overseas.
I've
gone
to
some
of
the
best
schools in America and
lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am
married to a black American who carries
within her the blood of slaves
and
slaveowners
-
an
inheritance
we
pass
on
to
our
two
precious
daughters. I have brothers, sisters,
nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins,
of
every race and every hue, scattered across three
continents, and for
as long as I live,
I will never forget that in no other country on
Earth is my
story even possible.
我是一个肯尼亚黑人和堪萨斯白种女人的儿子，
在我的白人祖父母的照料下长大
成人。祖父历经大萧条，二战期间服役于巴顿
的部队；当祖父开赴海外战场时，
祖母在莱文沃斯堡的轰炸机流水线上作业养家糊口。<
/p>
我在美国那些最好的学校里
读过书，
也在
世界上最贫穷的国家里生活过。
我娶的是一位黑人妇女，
她的血
管
里流淌着奴隶和奴隶主的血液，
——而这一血统又遗传给了我
们的两个宝贝女儿。
我的不同种族和肤色的兄弟姐妹、
叔伯侄甥
们生活在三个大洲，
而且只要我还活
着，便会永远铭记在这世上
其他任何一个国家里我这样的经历都不会发生。
It's a story that hasn't made me the
most conventional candidate. But it
is
a
story
that
has
seared
into
my
genetic
makeup
the
idea
that
this
nation is more than the
sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly
one.
这样的经历不会将我塑造成最保守的候选人，
但它使我骨子里因一种信念而警醒：
这个国家高于它的各部分的加总，高于多数群体，我们本身就是一个整体。
< br>
Throughout the first
year of this campaign, against all predictions to
the
contrary,
we
saw
how
hungry
the
American
people
were
for
this
message
of
unity.
Despite
the
temptation
to
view
my
candidacy
through
a
purely
racial
lens,
we
won
commanding
victories
in
states
with some of the
whitest populations
in the country. In
South Carolina,
where
the
Confederate
Flag
still
flies,
we
built
a
powerful
coalition
of
African Americans and white Americans.
在这场竞选的第一年里，
我们意识到
美国人民有多渴望团结一致的讯息，
而不是
相反。
尽管存在透过纯粹种族主义的有色眼镜来看待我的竞选的陷阱，
我们在国
家
那
些
白
种
人
占
主
导
的
一
些
< br>州
却
赢
得
了
显
著
的
胜
利
。
在
联
邦
星
条
旗
（
confederate flags
）仍高
高飘扬的南卡，我们筑就了非裔美国人和美国白人
间的强有力的联盟。
< br>
This
is
not
to
say
that
race
has
not
been
an
issue
in the
campaign.
At
various
stages
in
the
campaign,
some
commentators
have
deemed
me
either
black
or
black
enough.
We
saw
racial
tensions
bubble
to
the
surface
during
the
week
before
the
South
Carolina
primary. The press
has scoured every exit poll for the latest
evidence of
racial
polarization,
not
just
in
terms of
white
and
black,
but black
and
brown as well.
这
并不意味着种族在竞选中不是一个问题。
在竞选的许多层面上，
一些评论家不
是认为我“太黑”就是认为我“不够黑”。
在南卡
，
初选前的几周里我们看到种
族内在的张力问题渐渐浮现。
媒体四处搜寻每一场投票结果以作为种族对立的最
新证据，这一对立
不仅是在白人与黑人之间，也在黑人与拉丁族裔之间。
And yet, it has only been in the last
couple of weeks that the discussion
of
race in this campaign has taken a particularly
divisive turn.
然而，
也就是在最近两周里，
大选中关于种族的讨论发生了明显的分裂性的转变。
On
one
end
of
the
spectrum,
we've
heard
the
implication
that
my
candidacy is somehow an
exercise in affirmative action; that it's based
solely
on
the
desire
of
wide-
eyed
liberals
to
purchase
racial
reconciliation on the cheap. On the
other end, we've heard my former
pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use
incendiary language to express
views
that
have
the
potential
not
only
to
widen
the
racial
divide,
but
views
that
denigrate
both
the
greatness
and
the
goodness
of
our
nation; that rightly offend white and
black alike.
在这光谱的一端，
我们听到这样的暗示，
即我的参选在某种程度上是平权计划
< br>的一种实践，是那些眼界开阔的自由主义者寻求廉价的种族和解的意愿的结果。
在
光谱的另一端，
我们听到了我以前的牧师，
可敬的杰里梅尔·怀
特的煽风点火
的言论。
他的言论不仅会加深种族分裂，
也有损我们国家的伟大与善良；
他的言
论不仅冒
犯了白人，也得罪了黑人。对于黑人和白人同样是冒犯。
I
have
already
condemned,
in
unequivocal
terms,
the
statements
of
Reverend
Wright
that
have
caused
such
controversy.
For
some,
nagging
questions remain. Did I know him to be an
occasionally fierce
critic
of
American
domestic
and
foreign
policy?
Of
course.
Did
I
ever
hear him
make remarks that could be considered
controversial while I
sat in church?
Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his
political views?
Absolutely - just as
I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your
pastors, priests, or rabbis with which
you strongly disagreed.
我旗帜
鲜明地谴责赖特神父的极具争议性的言论。
对一些人而言，
纠缠
不清的问
题仍然存在。
我是否知道他对美国的内政外交政策的猛
烈抨击？当然知道。
当我
坐在教堂里，
我是否听到他的足以引发争议的言论？当然听过。
我是否坚决反对
他的许多政治观点？肯定反对。
——就像你们中的许多人曾经从你们的牧师、
神
父或拉比那里听到你强烈反对的观点一样。
But
the
remarks
that
have
caused
this
recent
firestorm
weren't
simply
controversial. They weren't simply a
religious leader's effort to speak out
against
perceived
injustice.
Instead,
they
expressed
a
profoundly
distorted view of
this country - a view that sees white racism as
endemic,
and that elevates what is
wrong with America above all that we know is
right with America;
a view
that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as
rooted
primarily
in
the
actions
of
stalwart
allies
like
Israel,
instead
of
emanating from the
perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.
但那些最近引起轩然大波的言论不止于让人匪夷所思，
它们不只是一位宗教领袖
试图挺身而出反对他觉察到的不公正。
相反，
它们反映了一种对这个国家的极度
扭曲
的看法——它将白人的种族歧视主义视为天经地义，
将美国的弊病夸张到掩
盖我们所知道的一切关于美国的美好，
它将中东的冲突完全解释为我们坚定的
盟
国以色列的行为所致，
而非源自激进的伊斯兰原教旨主义固执
而充斥着仇恨的意
识形态。
As such, Reverend Wright's comments
were not only wrong but divisive,
divisive at a time when we need unity;
racially charged at a time when
we
need
to
come
together
to
solve
a
set
of
monumental
problems
-
two
wars,
a
terrorist
threat,
a
falling
economy,
a
chronic
health
care
crisis
and
potentially
devastating
climate
change;
problems
that
are
neither
black
or
white
or
Latino
or
Asian,
but
rather
problems
that
confront us all.
这样看来，
赖特神父的言论不仅错误
而且极具分裂性，
它在我们需要团结时分裂
我们，在我们急需携
手共进解决诸如两场战争、恐怖主义威胁、经济衰退、日渐
恶化的医疗危机和潜在的灾难
性的环境变化这一系列重大问题时制造种族纠葛；
而这些问题不是黑人的、
或白人的、
或拉丁族裔或亚裔某个族群的问题，
而是
我
们所有人都正面临的难题。
Given my background, my politics, and
my professed values and ideals,
there
will no doubt be those for whom my statements of
condemnation
are not enough. Why
associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first
place, they may ask? Why not join
another church? And I confess that if
all that I knew of Reverend Wright were
the snippets of those
sermons
that
have
run
in
an
endless
loop
on
the
television
and
You
Tube,
or
if
Trinity
United
Church
of
Christ
conformed
to
the
caricatures
being
peddled by some commentators, there is
no doubt that I would react in
much the
same way
若从我的出身、我的政治立场、我信奉的
价值和理想来考虑，毫无疑问，对那些
我的支持者来说，
我的谴
责还远远不够。
他们或许会问，
为什么一开始我就和怀
特神父走到了一起？我为什么不加入另一个教堂？如果我承认我所知道的怀特
神父不过是电视节目或
You
Tube
< br>上不断播放的冗长说教中的一则新闻，或者，
假如基督教三一联合教堂与一些评论
家四处散播的拙劣讽刺一样，
毫无疑问我也
会有这样的反应。<
/p>
But the truth
is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man
I met more
than
twenty
years
ago
is
a
man
who
helped
introduce
me
to
my
Christian
faith,
a
man
who
spoke
to
me
about
our
obligations
to
love
one another; to care
for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who
served
his
country
as
a
U.S.
Marine;
who
has
studied
and
lectured
at
some
of the finest universities and seminaries in the
country, and who for
over thirty years
led a church that serves the community by doing
God's
work here on Earth - by housing
the homeless, ministering to the needy,
providing day care services and
scholarships and prison ministries, and
reaching out to those suffering from
HIV/AIDS.
但事实恰恰
是，
那不是我所认识的那个人。
二十多年前我遇到怀特神父时他
引荐
我加入基督教，
他对我说人们有相互友爱和照顾病弱、
扶助贫贱的责任。
他作为
一名美国海军陆战
队成员为国家服役，
他在国家最好的大学和神学院里作研究和
上
课，
他三十多年如一日主持一个教堂，
为社会做着高尚的工作—
—收留无家可
归者，照顾穷困潦倒者，提供日托服务、奖学金和监狱服务，并向艾滋病患
者伸
出援手。
In my first book, Dreams From My
Father, I described the experience of
my first service at Trinity:
在我的第一本书
《父亲的梦想》
中，
我描述了我在三一教堂第一年做义工的经历：
< br>
forceful
wind carrying the
reverend's voice up
into the
rafters....And in
that single note - hope! - I heard
something else; at the foot of that cross,
inside the thousands of churches across
the city, I imagined the stories
of
ordinary black people merging with the stories of
David and Goliath,
Moses and Pharaoh,
the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field
of dry
bones. Those stories - of
survival, and freedom, and hope - became our
story, my story; the blood that had
spilled was our blood, the tears our
tears;
until
this
black
church,
on
this
bright
day,
seemed
once
more
a
vessel carrying the story
of a people into future generations and into a
larger
world.
Our
trials
and
triumphs
became
at
once
unique
and
universal,
black
and
more
than
black;
in
chronicling
our
journey,
the
stories and songs gave us a means to
reclaim memories that we didn't
need to
feel shame about...memories that all people might
study and
cherish - and with which we
could start to rebuild.
“一阵大风将神父的声音传递到教堂的每个角落，
人们开始呼喊，
从他们的座位
上站起来、鼓着掌、喊叫着，…并且只有一个简单的讯
息——希望！——我还听
到了其他东西；
在那个角落里，
在这个城市成千上万的教堂里，
我想象普通黑人
融入大卫和巨人歌利亚（圣经中被牧羊人大卫杀死的
Philistine
腓力斯巨人）、
摩西和法老、
狮子洞穴里的基督徒
、
伊齐基尔原野的枯骨的故事。
那些有关生存、
自由和希望的故事，
变成了我们自己的故事，
我的故事
；
流淌的血液是我们的血
液，眼泪是我们的眼泪；在这个阳光明
媚的日子，这个黑人聚集的教堂，再一次
作为桥梁将一个民族的故事汇入未来的世代和更
大的世界。
我们的苦难和成功立
刻变得独特而又普遍，
是黑人的而又超越这个族群；
在记录我们的历程中，
那些
故事和歌谣提供给我们不断回忆过往而不必羞耻的方法，
…有了那些所有民族都
该学习和珍惜的记忆，我们就能开始复兴我们的民族。”
That has been my experience at
Trinity. Like other predominantly black
churches across the country, Trinity
embodies the black community in its
entirety - the doctor and the welfare
mom, the model student and the
former
gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's
services are full
of
raucous
laughter
and
sometimes
bawdy
humor.
They
are
full
of
dancing,
clapping,
screaming
and
shouting
that
may
seem
jarring
to
the untrained ear. The
church contains in full the kindness and cruelty,
the
fierce
intelligence
and
the
shocking
ignorance,
the
struggles
and
successes, the love and yes,
the bitterness and bias
that
make up the
black experience in
America.
这便是我在三一教堂的经历。同那些全国
有重要影响力的黑人聚集的教堂一样，
三一教堂使黑人社区——医生和领取救济的母亲、
模范生和黑社会成员，
连接成
一个整体
。
跟其他黑人教堂一样，
三一教堂的布道仪式总是充满沙哑的笑
声，
有
时还夹杂色情幽默。他们总是在跳舞、鼓掌、尖叫和大喊
，似乎会吓到那些不曾
见识过的人。
它容纳了善意和残忍、
绝顶聪明和盲目无知、
尚在困境中挣扎的和
已经功成名就的、爱和肯定、苦难和偏见这些美国黑人所经历的一切。
And
this
helps
explain,
perhaps,
my
relationship
with
Reverend
Wright.
As
imperfect
as
he
may
be,
he
has
been
like
family
to
me.
He
strengthened
my
faith,
officiated
my
wedding,
and
baptized
my
children. Not once in my conversations
with him have I heard him talk
about
any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat
whites with whom
he
interacted
with
anything
but
courtesy
and
respect.
He
contains
within
him
the
contradictions
-
the
good
and
the
bad
-
of
the
community
that he has served diligently for so many years.
这或许有助于解释我和赖特神父的关联。
尽管他可能不尽善尽美，
但他如同我的
亲人。他增强了我的
信仰，见证了我的婚礼，并给我的孩子施洗礼。在我同他谈
话时，
我不止一次听到他用贬损的语言谈及那些种族团体，
或是对那些与他交往
的白人毕恭毕敬。
他内心也满是对他长久以来孜孜不倦献身其中的共同体的或
善
意或恶意的矛盾。
I can no more disown him than I can
disown the black community. I can
no
more disown him than I can my white grandmother -
a woman who
helped raise me, a woman
who sacrificed again and again for me, a
woman who loves me as much as she loves
anything in this world, but a
woman who
once confessed her fear of black men who passed by
her
on the street, and who on more than
one occasion has uttered racial or
ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.
我不能否认他，
如同我不能否认黑人
共同体。
我不能否认他，
如同而不能否认我
的白人祖母。
她养育了我，
为了我一次次做出牺牲，
爱我就像她爱这世界上其他
的东西一样，
但她
也曾坦言害怕街上那些从她身边经过的黑人，
还不止一次讲出
让
我畏惧的有关种族的陈词滥调。
These
people
are
a
part
of
me.
And
they
are
a
part
of
America,
this
country that I love.
这些人是我的一部分，他们是美国的一部分，而这就是我所热爱的国家。
Some will see this as an
attempt to justify or excuse comments that are
simply
inexcusable.
I
can
assure
you
it
is
not.
I
suppose
the
politically
safe thing would be to move on from
this episode and just hope that it
fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss
Reverend Wright as a crank or
a
demagogue,
just
as
some
have
dismissed
Geraldine
Ferraro,
in
the
aftermath
of
her
recent
statements,
as
harboring
some
deep-seated
racial bias.
有人会认为这是我为那些不能被饶恕的言论作开脱的努力。<
/p>
我向你保证这不是开
脱责任。
如果图政治
上的安全，
我会忘却这一插曲继续向前走，
并希望这些言论
会自生自灭。我们也可以把怀特神父看做疯子或蛊惑人心的政客对他不屑一顾，
就像有些人在杰拉尔婷·费拉罗因最近的言语包含深深的种族歧视而对她不屑
一顾一样。
But race
is an issue that I believe this nation cannot
afford to ignore right
now.
We
would
be
making
the
same
mistake
that
Reverend
Wright
made
in
his
offending
sermons
about
America
-
to
simplify
and
stereotype and amplify the negative to
the point that it distorts reality.
但种族是这个国家不容再忽视的问题。
我们如果对此不屑一顾就会犯
怀特神父同
样的错误，
那就是在他关于美利坚的布道中以简单化
的、
颇具成见的方式放大美
国的负面，结果造成对现实的扭曲。
The fact is
that the comments that have been made and the
issues that
have surfaced over the last
few weeks reflect the complexities of race
in
this
country
that
we've
never
really
worked
through
-
a
part
of
our
union
that
we
have
yet
to
perfect.
And
if
we
walk
away
now,
if
we
simply retreat into our respective
corners, we will never be able to come
together
and
solve
challenges
like
health
care,
or
education,
or
the
need to find good jobs
for every American.
人们做出的这些
评论和最近几周日渐显现的问题都反映了这个国家的种族问题
的复杂性。
我们不能完好地解决种族问题也意味着我们联邦的尚未完善。
如果我
们对之视而不见，
仅仅撤退到自己的一隅安分守己，
我们将不可能团结起来并解
决类似医疗、教育或为每个美国人提供好工作的需求的难题
。
Understanding
this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived
at this
point. As William Faulkner once
wrote,
In fact, it isn't even
past.
racial injustice in this country.
But we do need to remind ourselves that
so many of the disparities that exist
in the African-American community
today
can be directly traced to inequalities passed on
from an earlier
generation
that
suffered
under
the
brutal
legacy
of
slavery
and
Jim
Crow.
要理解这一问题，
我们需要知道我们
是怎样走过来的。
威廉·福克纳曾说过：
“过
< br>往并非僵死而被掩埋掉。
事实上，
它从来不曾过去。
”在此我们无需重提这个国
家的种族不平等的历史。
但我们确实需要铭记于心，
那些至今仍存在于非裔族群
的诸多的不平等，
都能直接追溯到那些由我们的前辈传递下来的不平等，
他们在
奴隶制和黑奴时代的残酷制度下备受折磨。
Segregated schools were,
and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed
them,
fifty
years
after
Brown
v.
Board
of
Education,
and
the
inferior
education
they
provided,
then
and
now,
helps
explain
the
pervasive
achievement gap
between today's black and white students.
种族隔离学校曾经是，现在仍是劣等学校；在布朗诉教育委员
会案五十年之后，
我们还没有改进它们；
从那时起至今，
它们提供的低劣教育有助于解释今天黑人
和白人学生之间普遍深入的成
就差距。
Legalized
discrimination - where blacks were prevented,
often through
violence,
from
owning
property,
or
loans
were
not
granted
to
African-American
business
owners,
or
black
homeowners
could
not
access
FHA
mortgages,
or
blacks
were
excluded
from
unions,
or
the
police force, or fire departments -
meant that black families could not
amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath
to future generations. That
history
helps
explain
the
wealth
and
income
gap
between
black
and
white, and the
concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in
so many
of today's urban and rural
communities.
黑人被歧视是受法律保障的，<
/p>
而这种歧视有时甚至是考暴力维护的。
黑人常常被
禁止拥有财产，
黑人企业往往得不到贷款的贷款，
黑人
业主不能获得联邦住房委
员会的抵押贷，
黑人常常被禁止参加工
会或在警察署或消防署任职。
这一切意味
着黑人家庭不可能积攒
大量财富留给他们的后代。
这段历史有助于解释黑人和白
人之间
的财富和收入差距，
至今还有众多居住在城市和乡村的黑人紧衣缩食，
< br>入
不敷出。
A
lack
of
economic
opportunity
among
black
men,
and
the
shame
and
frustration
that
came
from
not
being
able
to
provide
for
one's
family,
contributed
to
the
erosion
of
black
families
-
a
problem
that
welfare
policies
for
many
years
may
have
worsened.
And
the
lack
of
basic
services in so many urban black neighborhoods -
parks for kids to
play in, police
walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and
building
code enforcement - all helped
create a cycle of violence, blight and
neglect that continue to haunt us.
黑人经济机会的匮乏和因无力负担家庭责任而带来的羞愧和挫
败感，
都使黑人家
庭的生活处在风雨飘摇中，——这一问题可能
因多年来的福利政策而更加恶化。
在众多城市黑人社区缺乏基本的服务设施，
比如供孩子玩耍的公园、
巡逻警、
日
常的垃圾车和小区保安等，
都导致了长久困扰我们的暴力—衰落—漠视周而复
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