ear-equalizer
I need to make a confession at the outset
here.
A little over 20 years ago I did
something that I
regret, something that
I'm not particularly proud
of,
something
that,
in
many
ways,
I
wish
no
one
would
ever
know,
but
here
I
feel
kind
of
obliged
to
reveal.
In the late 1980s,
in a moment of youthful
indiscretion, I
went to law school.
Now, in America law
is a professional degree: you
开始前我必须先向你们告解
二十多年
前我做了一件让我后悔莫及的
事
一件我丝毫不感到骄傲的事
一件我
希望没有任何人会知道的事
但今日我
认为我有必要揭发我自己
80
年代晚期
因为年少轻狂
我进入法律
学院就读
get your university degree, then you go
on to law
school.
And
when
I
got
to
law
school,
I
didn't
do
very
well.
To put
it mildly, I didn't do very well.
I, in
fact, graduated in the part of my law school
class that made the top 90 percent
possible.
Thank you.
I never
practiced law a day in my life;
I
pretty much wasn't allowed to.
But
today, against my better judgment, against the
advice of my own wife, I want to try
dust off some
of
those
legal
skills
--
what's
left
of
those
legal
skills.
I don't want to tell
you a story.
I want to make a case.
I want to make a hard-headed, evidence-
based, dare
I say lawyerly case, for
rethinking how we run our
businesses.
So, ladies and gentlemen of the jury,
take a look
at this.
This is
called the candle problem.
Some of you
might have seen this before.
It's
created in 1945 by a psychologist named Karl
Duncker.
Karl
Dunker
created
this
experiment
that
is
used
in
a whole variety of
experiments in behavioral
science.
And here's how it e I'm the
experimenter.
在美国
法律学位是个专业学位
你得先
拿到学士
才能进入法律学院
当我进入法律学院时
我的成绩不怎么
好
客气地说
我的成绩不怎么好
我的毕业成绩成
就了在我之上那其他九
成的同学
谢谢你们
我这辈子从来没做过律师
基本上那样做可能还会犯法
但今日
我违背我的理性
违背我太太的
忠告
< br>我想重拾那些过去所学的诉讼技
巧,所剩无几的诉讼技巧
我不想向你们说故事
而是提出一个陈述
提出一个有根据
货真价实的法庭陈述
来重新思考我们的管理方法
陪审团的女士先生们
请看看这个
这便是有名的蜡烛问题
你们之中有些人可能已经看过了
它是
在
1945
年
由心理学家
Karl
Duncker
所创造的
Karl
Duncker
创造了这个实验
在行为科
学中被广泛运用
情况是
假设我是实验者
I bring
you into a room. I give you a candle,
Some thumbtacks and some matches.
And
I
say
to
you,
“
your
job
is
to
attach
the
candle
to
the
wall
so
the
wax
doesn't
drip
onto
the
table.
”
Now what would you do?
Now
many
people
begin
trying
to
thumbtack
the
candle
我带你进入一个房间
给你一根蜡烛
一
些图钉和火柴
告诉你说
现在尝试把蜡烛固定在墙上
让烛泪不要滴到桌上
你会怎么做
to the
wall.
Doesn't work.
Somebody,
some
people
--
and
I
saw
somebody
kind
of
make
the
motion
over
here
--
some
people
have
a
great
idea where they light
the match, melt the side of
the candle,
try to adhere it to the wall.
It's an
awesome idea. Doesn't work.
And
eventually,
after
five
or
10
minutes,most
people
figure out the solution, which you can
see here.
The key is to overcome what's
called functional
fixedness.
You look at that box and you see it
only as a
receptacle for the tacks.
But it can also have this other
function, as a
platform for the candle.
The candle problem.
Now
I
want
to
tell
you
about
an
experiment
using
the
candle problem, done by
a scientist named Sam
Glucksberg, who
is now at Princeton University in
the
U.S.
This shows the power of
incentives.
Here's what he did. He
gathered his participants.
And
he
said,
“
I'm
going
to
time
you.
How
quickly
you
can solve this problem
?
”
To one group
he said,
“
I'm going to time
you to
establish
norms,
averages
for
how
long
it
typically
takes someone to solve this sort of
problem.
”
To the
second group he offered rewards.
He
said,
“
If you're in the top
25 percent of the
fastest times, you
get five dollars. If you're the
fastest
of everyone we're testing here today, you
get 20 dollars.
”
许多人尝试用图钉把蜡烛钉在墙上
行不通
有些人
台下也有些人
做出这样的动作
有些人想到他们可以点燃火柴
溶化蜡
烛的底部
尝试把它黏在墙上
好主意
但行不通
差不多过了五到十分钟
大部分的人便
会想出解决办法
就像图片上那样
重点是克服
功能固着
当你看到盒子
你不过把它当成装大头
针的容器
但它还有其它功能
那就是作为蜡烛的
平台
现在我想告诉你另一个实验
利用蜡烛
问题
由一个现在在普林斯顿大学
叫做
Sam Glucksberg
的科学家所做的实验
这实验让我们看见动机的力量
他是这么做的
他将参与者聚集在一个
房间里
告诉他们
我要开始计时
看看你们能多
快解决这个问题
他对其中一群人说
我只是想取个平均
值
看一般人需要花多久的时间才能解
决这样的问题
他提供奖励给另一群人
他说
如果你是前
25%
最快解决问题的人
就能拿到五块钱
< br>
如果你是今日所有人
里解答最快的
<
/p>
你就有
20
块钱
Now this is several years
ago. Adjusted for
inflation, it's a
decent sum of money for a few
minutes
of work. It's a nice motivator.
Question: How much faster did this
group solve the
problem?
Answer: It took them, on average, three
and a half
minutes longer.
Three and a half minutes longer. Now
this makes no
这个实验是几年前的事了
按照通货膨
胀
几分钟就能拿到
20
块是很不错的
是
个不错的诱因
问题是
这群人比另一群人的解题速度
快了多少呢?
答案是
平均来说
他们比另一组人
多
花了三分半钟
sense right?
I
mean,
I'm
an
American.
I
believe
in
free
markets.
That's not how it's
supposed to work. Right?
If you want
people to perform better, you reward
them. Right?
Bonuses,
commissions, their own reality show.
Incentivize them. That's how business
works.
But that's not happening here.
You've
got
an
incentive
designed
to
sharpen
thinking
and accelerate
creativity, and it does just the
opposite.
It dulls thinking
and blocks creativity.
And
what's
interesting
about
this
experiment
is
that
it's not an aberration.
This has been replicated over and over
and over
again, for nearly 40 years.
These
contingent
motivators
--
if
you
do
this,
then
you get that -- work in
some circumstances.
But for a lot of
tasks, they actually either don't
work
or, often, they do harm.
This is one of
the most robust findings in social
science, and also one of the most
ignored.
I spent the last couple of
years looking at the
science of human
motivation, particularly the
dynamics
of extrinsic motivators and intrinsic
motivators.
And I'm telling
you, it's not even close.
If you look
at the science, there is a mismatch
between what science knows and what
business does.
And what's alarming here
is that our business
整整三分半钟
这不合理
不是吗
我是个美国人
我相信自由市场
这个实验不太对劲吧
对吗
如果你想要人们做得更好
你便给他们
奖赏
对吗
红利
佣金
他们自己的真人秀
赋予他们动机
这就是商业法则
但实验里却不是这样
奖励是为了增强思考能力及创意
但事
实却是相反
它阻断了思考和创意能力
有趣的事情是
这个实验不是误差
它被一再重复
在过去的四十年间
这些不同的诱因
如果你这样做
你就得
到那个
在某些情况里是可行的
但在许多任务中
他们不是没有作用
更
有可能产生反效果
这是在社会科学中一项最有力的发现
同时也是最为人忽略的
过去两年
我研究人类的动机
尤其是那
些外部的激励因素
和内在的激励因素
我可以告诉你
两者相差悬殊
如果你使用科学方法查证
你会发现科
学知识和商业行为之间有条鸿沟
我们必须注意的是
我们的商业机制
想
operating
system
--
think
of
the
set
of
assumptions
想这些商业的协议和假设
我们如何激
and protocols beneath
our businesses, how we
motivate people,
how we apply our human resources
--
it's built entirely around these extrinsic
motivators, around carrots and sticks.
That's
actually
fine
for
many
kinds
of
20th
century
励人心
如何运用人资
全是以这些外部
激励因素作为基础
打手心给块糖
tasks.
But for 21st century tasks, that
mechanistic,
reward-and-punishment
approach
doesn't
work,
often
doesn't work, and often does harm.
Let me show you what I mean.
So
Glucksberg
did
another
experiment
similar
to
this
where he presented the problem in a
slightly
different way, like this up
here. Okey?
Attach
the
candle
to
the
wall
so
the
wax
doesn't
drip
onto the table.
Same : we're
timing for norms.
You: we're
incentivizing.
What happened this time?
This time, the incentivized group
kicked the other
group's butt.
Why?
Because
when
the
tacks
are
out
of
the
box,
it's
pretty
easy isn't it?
If-then
rewards
work
really
well
for
those
sorts
of
tasks, where there is a simple set of
rules and a
clear destination to go to.
Rewards, by their very nature, narrow
our focus,
concentrate
the
mind;
that's
why
they
work
in
so
many
cases.
And so, for tasks like this, a narrow
focus, where
you just see the goal
right there, zoom straight
ahead to it,
they work really well.
But for the real
candle problem, you don't want to
be
looking like this.
The solution is not
over here. The solution is on
the
periphery.
You want to be looking
around.
That
reward
actually
narrows
our
focus
and
restricts
对许多
20
p>
世纪的工作来说是可行的
但面对
21
世纪的工作
这些机械化的
奖
惩分明的作法
已经不管用了
有时更招
致反效果
让我呈现我想表达的
Glucksb
erg
做了一个类似的实验
这次
他给了他们一个比较不同的问题
像这
个图里面的
< br>实验对象必须要找出一个让蜡烛黏在墙
上
又不会流下烛泪的方法
相同地
这边:我们要的是平均时间
这边:一样的给他们不同的诱因
结果呢
这次
有诱因的那组人
远远地胜过了另
一组人
为什么
一旦我们把图钉从盒子里拿出
来
问题就变得相当简单不是吗
假设
在这个情况下
奖励就变得非常有
郊
在规则简单目标明显的情况下
奖励产生了作用
让我们集中精神
变得
专注
这便是为何奖励在许多情况下有
效的缘故
当我们面对的工作是
范围狭窄
你能清
楚见到目标
向前直冲时
奖励便非常有
效
但在真正的蜡烛问题中
你不能只是这
样看
解答不在那里
解答是在周围
你需要四处找寻
奖励却令我们眼光狭隘
限制了我们的
our possibility.
Let me tell you why this is so
important.
In western Europe, in many
parts of Asia, in North
America, in
Australia, white-collar workers are
doing less of this kind of work, and
more of this
kind of work.
That
routine,
rule-based,
left-brain
work--certain
想像力
让我告诉你这个问题的重要性
在西欧
亚洲的许多地方
北美洲
澳洲
白领工作者比较少处理这种问题
更多
的是这种问题(指钉放在盒中的)
kinds of accounting, certain kinds of
financial
analysis, certain kinds of
computer
programming--has become fairly
easy to outsource,
fairly easy to
automate.
Software can do it faster.
Low-cost providers around the world can
do it
cheaper.
So what
really matters are the more right-brained
creative, conceptual kinds of
abilities.
Think about your own work.
Think about your own work.
Are
the
problems
that
you
face,
or
even
the
problems
we've been talking
about here, are those kinds of
problems
--do they have a clear set of rules, and a
single solution? No.
The
rules are mystifying.
The
solution,
if
it
exists
at
all,
is
surprising
and
not obvious.
Everybody in
this room is dealing with their own
version of the candle problem.
And for candle problems of any kind, in
any field,
those
if-then
rewards,
the
things
around
which
built
so
many of our businesses, don't work.
Now, I mean it makes me crazy.
And this is not--here's the thing.
This is not a feeling.
Okey?
I'm a lawyer; I don't believe in feelings.
This is not a philosophy.
I'm an American; I don't believe in
philosophy.
This is a fact--or, as we
say in my hometown of
Washington, D.C.,
a true fact.
那些例行的
常规性的
左脑式的工作
一些会计
一些财务分析
一些电脑编程
变得极为容易外包
变得自动化
软件能处理的更快
世界其他地方的低
价供应商能以更便宜
的成本来完成
所以更重要的是右脑的创意
概念式的
能力
想想你的工作
想想你自己的工作
你所面对的问题
甚至是我们今天所谈
论到的问题
这些问题
它们有清楚的规
则和一个简单的解答吗
没有
它们的规则模糊
解答
如果有解答的话
通常是令人意外
而不明显的
在这里的每个人都在尝试解决他自己的
蜡烛问题
对所有形式的蜡烛问题
在所有领域
这
些
如果
-
那就
的奖励
这些在商业世界
里无处不在的奖惩系统
其实没用
这简直让我发狂
这不是
重点是
这不是一种感觉
我是个律师
我才不信什么感觉
这也不是哲学
我是个美国人
我才不信什么哲学
这是真相
或是我们在华盛顿特区的政
治圈常说的
一个事实真相
Let me give you an example of what I
mean.
Let me marshal the evidence here,
because I'm not
telling you a story,
I'm making a case.
Ladies and gentlemen
of the jury, some evidence:
Dan
Ariely,
one
of
the
great
economists
of
our
time,
he and three
colleagues, did a study of some MIT
students.
They
gave
these
MIT
students
a
bunch
of
games,
games
让我给你一个例子
让我收集这些证据
因为我不是在告诉
你一个故事
而是陈述一个案子
陪审团的女士们先生们
证据在此
Dan Ariely
一位当代伟大的经济学家
他和三位同仁
对麻省理工学院的学生
做了一些研究
that involved creativity, and motor
skills, and
concentration.
And
the
offered
them,
for
performance,
three
levels
of rewards: small
reward, medium reward, large
reward.
Okey?
If
you
do
really
well
you
get
the
large
reward,
on
down.
What happened? As long as the
task involved only
mechanical skill
bonuses worked as they would be
expected: the higher the pay, the
better the
performance.
Okey? But one the task called for even
rudimentary
cognitive skill, a larger
reward led to poorer
performance.
Then they
said:
“
Okey let's see if
there's any
cultural bias here. Lets go
to Madurai, India and
test
this.
”
Standard
of living is lower.
In
Madurai,
a
reward
that
is
modest
in
North
American
standards, is more meaningful there.
Same
deal.
A
bunch
of
games,
three
levels
of
rewards.
What happens?
People offered the medium level of
rewards did no
better than people
offered the small rewards.
But this
time, people offered the highest rewards,
they did the worst of all.
In
eight
of
the
nine
tasks
we
examined
across
three
experiments, higher incentives led to
worse
performance.
Is this
some kind of touchy-feely socialist
他给这些学生一些游戏
一些需要创造
力的游戏
需要动力和专注
依照他们的表现给他们
三种不同程序
的奖励
小奖励
中奖励
大奖励
如果你做得好
你就得到大奖励
依此类
推
结果呢
只要是机械形态的工作
红利就
像我们所认知的
奖励越高
表现越好
是的
但如果这个工作需要任何基本的
认知能力
越大的奖励却带来越差的表
现
于是他们说
让我们试试是否有什么文
化差距
让我们去印度的马杜赖试试
生活水平较低
在马杜赖
北美标准的中等奖励
在这里
有意义多了
一样地
一些不同游戏
三种奖励
结果呢
中等奖励的人
做的不比那些小奖励的
人好
但这次
那些能够得到大奖励的人
表现
最差
三种实验中
在我们提供的九个游戏中
有八个
奖励越高的表现越差
难道这是一种感情用事的社会主义的阴
ear-equalizer
ear-equalizer
ear-equalizer
ear-equalizer
ear-equalizer
ear-equalizer
ear-equalizer
ear-equalizer
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