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Text
1
①
Of all the changes that
have taken place in English-language newspapers
during the past
quarter-century,
perhaps
the
most
far-reaching
has
been
the
inexorable
decline
in
the
scope and
seriousness of their arts coverage.
①
It is
difficult to
the point of impossibility
for the
average reader under the age of
forty to
imagine a time when high-
quality arts criticism could be found in most big-
city newspapers.
②
Yet a
considerable number of the most significant
collections of criticism published
in
the 20th
century consisted in large
part of newspaper reviews.
③
To read such books today is to marvel
at
the
fact
that
their
learned
contents
were
once
deemed
suitable
for
publication
in
general-circulation dailies.
①
We are
even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper
reviews published in England
between
the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World
War 2,at a time when newsprint was
dirt-cheap
and
stylish
arts
criticism
was
considered
an ornament
to
the
publications
in
which
it
appeared.
②
In
those far-off days, it was taken for granted that
the critics of major papers would
write
in detail and at length about the events they
covered.
③
Theirs was a
serious business. and
even
those
reviews
who
wore
their
learning
lightly,
like
George
Bernard
Shaw
and
Ernest
Newman, could be
trusted to know what they were about.
④
These men believed in
journalism as
a calling, and were proud
to be published in the daily press.
⑤
So few authors have brains
enough
or literary gift enough to keep
their own end up in ournalism,Newman wrote,
to define
are
①
Unfortunately,
these
critics
are
virtually
forgotten.
②
Neville
Cardus,
who
wrote
for
the
Manchester Guardian from
1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is
now known solely as a
writer
of
essays
on
the
game
of
cricket.
③
During
his
lifetime,
though,
he
was
also
one
of
England's foremost classical-music
critics, and a stylist so widely admired that his
Autobiography
(1947) became a best-
seller.
④
He was knighted in
1967, the first music critic to be so honored.
⑤
Yet only one of his books
is now in print, and his vast body of writings on
music is unknown
save to specialists.
①
Is
there
any
chance
that
Cardus's
criticism
will
enjoy
a
revival?
②
The
prospect
seems
re
mote.
③
Journalistic tastes
had changed long before his death, and postmodern
readers have little
use for the richly
uphostered Vicwardian prose in which he
specialized.
④
Moreover,the
amateur
tradition in music criticism
has been in headlong retreat.
全文翻译:
在过去的
25
年英语报纸所发生的变化中,影响最深远的可能就是它们对艺术方面的
报道在范围上
毫无疑问的缩小了,而且这些报道的严肃程度也绝对降低了。
对于年龄低于
40
< br>岁的普通读者来讲,
让他们想象一下当年可以在许多大城市报纸上读
到精品的文艺评论简直几乎是天方夜谭。然而,在
20
世纪出版的最重要的文艺评论集中,
人们读到的大部分评论
文章都是从报纸上收集而来。
现在,
如果读到这些集子,
人们肯定会
惊诧,当年这般渊博深奥的内容竟然被认为适合发表在大众
日报中。
精品文档
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从
p>
20
世纪早期到二战以前,当时的英国报纸上的评论主题广泛,包罗
万象,我们现在
离此类报纸评论越来越远。
当时的报纸极其便宜
,
人们把高雅时尚的文艺批评当作是所刊登
报纸的一个亮点。<
/p>
在那些遥远的年代,
各大报刊的评论家们都会不遗余力地详尽报道
他们所
报道的事情,这在当时被视为是理所当然的事情。他们的写作是件严肃的事情,人
们相信:
甚至那些博学低调不喜欢炫耀的评论家,
比如
George Bernard Shaw
和
Ernest Newman
p>
也知
道自己在做什么
(即他们的文章会高调
出现在报纸上)
。
这些批评家们相信报刊评论是一项
职业,并且对于他们的文章能够在报纸上发表感到很自豪。
“
鉴于几乎没有作家能拥有足够
的智慧或文学天赋以保证他们在新闻报纸写作中
站稳脚跟
”
,
Newman
曾写道,
“
我倾向于
把
‘
新闻写作<
/p>
’
定义为不受读者欢迎的作家用来嘲讽受读者欢迎的作家的一个<
/p>
‘
轻蔑之词
’
”
不幸的是,这些批评家们现在实际上已被人们遗忘。从
1917
年开始一直到
1975
年
去世不久前还在为曼彻斯
特《卫报》写文章的
Neville Cardus
,如今仅仅作为一个撰写关于
板球比赛文章的作家被人们所知。
但是,
在他的一生当中,
他也是英国首屈一指的
古典音乐
评论家之一。他也是一位深受读者青睐的文体家,
所以
1947
年他的《自传》一书就成为热
销读物。
1967
年他被授予爵士称号,也是第一位获此殊荣的音乐评
论家。
然而,
他的书现
在只有一本可以
在市面上买到。
他大量的音乐批评,
除了专门研究音乐评论的人
以外,
已鲜
为人知。
Cardus
的评论有没有机会重
新流行?前景似乎渺茫。在他去世之前,新闻业的品味早
已改变很长时间了,
而且他所擅长的措词华丽的维多利亚爱德华时期的散文风格对后现代的
读者
没有什么用处。何况,由业余爱好者作音乐批评的传统早已经成为昨日黄花了。
Text 2
Over
the
past
decade,
thousands
of
patents
have
seen
granted
for
what
are
called
business
methods. received
one for its “one
-
click”
online payment system. Merrill Lynch got
legal protection for an asset
allocation strategy. One inventor patented a
technique for lying a box.
Now the nation’s top patent court
appears completely
-property lawyers
abuzz the U.S. court of
Appeals
for
the
federal
circuit
said
it
would
use
a
particular
case
to conduct
a broad
review
of
business-
method patents. In
the Bilski, as the case is known, is a “very big
deal”, says Dennis’D
Crouch of the
University of Missouri School of law.
It
“has the potential to
eliminate an entire
class of
patents.”
Curbs on business-method claims would
be a dramatic about-face, because it was the
federal
circuit itself that introduced
such patents with is 1998 decision in the so-
called state Street Bank
case,
approving
a
patent
on
a
way
of
pooling
mutual-fund
assets.
That
ruling
produced
an
explosion
in
business-method
patent
filings,
initially
by
emerging
internet
companies
trying
to
stake
out
exclusive
pinhts
to
specific
types
of
online
transactions.
Later,
move
established
companies raced
to add such patents to their files, if only as a
defensive move against rivals that
might bent them to the punch. In 2005,
IBM noted in a court filing that it had been
issued more
than 300 business-method
patents despite the fact
that it
questioned the legal basis
for granting
them.
Similarly,
some
Wall
Street
investment
films
armed
themselves
with
patents
for
financial
products, even as
they took positions in court cases opposing the
practice.
The
Bilski
case
involves
a
claimed
patent
on
a
method
for
hedging
risk
in
the
energy
market.
The Federal circuit
issued an unusual order stating that the case
would be heard by all 12
of the court’s
judges, rather than a typical panel of three and
that one issue it wants to evaluate is
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weather it
should “reconsider” its state street Bank
ruling.
The
Federal Circuit’s action comes in the wake of a
series of recent decisions by the supreme
Count that has narrowed the scope of
protections for patent holders. Last April, for
example the
justices signaled that too
many patents were being upheld for “inventions”
that are obvious. The
judges
on
the
Federal
circuit
are
“reacting
to
the
anti_patent
trend
at
the
supreme
court”,
says
Harole , a partend attorney and
professor at aeorge Washington University Law
School.
Text 3
①
In his book The Tip
ping
Point, Malcolm Aladuell argues that “social
epidemics” are
driven in large part by
the actions of a tiny minority of special
individuals, often called influentials,
who are unusually informed, persuasive,
or well connected.
②
The idea
is intuitively compelling,
but it
doesn’t explain how ideas actually spread.
①
The supposed importance of
influentials derives from a plausible-sounding but
largely
untested theory called the
“two
-
step flow of
communication”: Informat
ion flows from
the media
to the influentials and from
them to everyone else.
②
Marketers have embraced the two-step
flow because it suggests that if they
can just find and influence the influentials,
those select people
will do most of the
work for them.
③
The theory
also seems to explain the sudden and unexpected
popularity of certain looks, brands, or
neighborhoods.
④
In many such
cases, a cursory search for
causes
finds that some small group of people was wearing,
promoting, or developing whatever it
is
before anyone else paid attention.
⑤
Anecdotal evidence of this
kind fits nicely with the idea
that
only certain special people can drive trends.
①
In their recent work,
however, some researchers have come up with the
finding that
influentials have far less
impact on social epidemics than is generally
supposed.
②
In
fact, they
don’t seem to be required of
all.
③
The
researchers’ argument stems from a simple
observation
about social influence,
with the exception of a few celebrities like Oprah
Winfrey
—
whose
outsize presence is primarily a
function of media, not interpersonal, influence
—
even the most
influential members of a population
simply don’t interact with that many others.
④
Yet it is
precisely these noncelebrity
influentials who, according to the two-step-flow
theory, are supposed
to drive social
epidemics by influencing their friends and
colleagues directly.
⑤
For a social
epidemic to
occur, however, each person so affected, must then
influence his or her own
acquaintances,
who must in turn influence theirs, and so on;
⑥
and just how many others
pay
attention to each of these people
has little to do with the initial influential.
⑦
If people in
the
network just two degrees removed
from the initial influential prove resistant, for
example, the
cascade
of
change won’t propagate very far or affect many
people.
①
Building on the basic truth
about interpersonal influence, the researchers
studied the
dynamics of social
contagion by conducting thousands of computer
simulations of populations,
manipulating a number of variables
relating to people’s ability to influence others
and their
tendency to be influenced.
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