-
(
温斯顿
丘吉尔的演讲
)
Winston Churchill (May 13, 1940 ) On
Friday evening last I received from His Majesty
the
mission to form a new
administration.
It was the
evident will of Parliament and the nation that
this should be conceived on the
broadest possible basis and that it
should include all parties.
I have already completed the most
important part of this task. A war cabinet has
been
formed of five members,
representing, with the Labor, Opposition and
Liberals, the unity
of the nation.
It was necessary that this
should be done in one single day on account of the
extreme
urgency and rigor of events.
Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am
submitting a
further list to the King
tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of
principal Ministers
during tomorrow.
The appointment of other
Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust
when Parliament
meets again this part
of my task will be completed and that the
administration will be
complete in all
respects.
I considered it
in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker
that the House should be
summoned
today. At the end of today's proceedings, the
adjournment of the House will be
proposed until May 2l with provision
for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that
will be
notified to M. P. 's at the
earliest opportunity.
I now
invite the House by a resolution to record its
approval of the steps taken and declare
its confidence in the new government.
The resolution:
inflexible resolve of the
nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a
victorious
conclusion.
To form an administration of this scale
and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself.
But
we are in the preliminary Phase of
one of the greatest battles in history. We are in
action at
any other points-in Norway
and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the
Mediterranean. The air battle is
continuing, and many preparations have to be made
here
at home.
In
this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not
address the House at any length today,
and I hope that any of my friends and
colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected
by
the political reconstruction will
make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with
which it
has been necessary to act.
I say to the House as I
said to Ministers who have joined this government,
I have nothing
to offer but blood,
toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal
of the most grievous
kind. We have
before us many, many months of struggle and
suffering.
You ask, what is
our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea
and air. War with all our
might and
with all the strength God has given us, and to
wage war against a monstrous
tyranny
never surpassed in the dark and lamentable
catalogue of human crime. That is our
policy.
You ask,
what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is
victory. Victory at all costs-victory
in spite of all terrors-victory,
however long and hard the road may be, for without
victory
there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No
survival for the British Empire, no survival for
all that the British
Empire has stood
for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the
ages, that mankind shall
move forward
toward his goal.
I take up
my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our
cause will not be suffered to
fail
among men.
I feel entitled
at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid
of all and to say,
let us go forward
together with our united strength.
Winston Churchill - May 13,
1940
“
热血、汗水和眼泪
”
温斯顿
?
丘吉尔
(1940
年
5
月<
/p>
13
日
)
上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
按国会和国民的意愿，
新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，
应该兼容所有
的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。
战时内阁已由五人组成，
包括工党、
反对党和
自由党，这体现了举国团
结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，
新阁政府须于一天之内组成，
其
他的关键岗位也于昨日安
排就绪。今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。我希望明天就能完成几
位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。
我相信，
在国会
下一次召开时，
任命将告完成，
臻于
完
善。
为
公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到
5
月
21
日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项
当会及早通知各位议员。
现在我请求国会作出决议，
批准我所采取的各项步骤，
启示记录在案，
并且声明信任新
政府。决议如下：
“
本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最
后胜利。
”
组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。
但是我们正处于历史上罕见的
一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多
地点作战
——
在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海
做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。
值此危急关头，
< br>我想，
即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，
也当能见谅。
我还希望所有
在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、
< br>同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫
不介意。
我向国会表明，
一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，
我所能奉献的唯有热血、
辛劳、
眼泪
和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严
酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。
若问我们的政策是什么？我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作
战。尽我们的全力，尽上
帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，
对人类
黑暗、
可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。
这就是
我们的政策。
若问我们的目标是什么？我可以用一个词来回答，
那就是胜利。
不惜一切代价，
去夺取
胜利
——
不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利
——
< br>不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。因为
没有胜利就不能生存。
我们务必认识到
，
没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，
没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象
征的一
切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈
进。
我
精神振奋、
满怀信心地承担起我的任务。
我确信，
大家联合起来，
我们的事业就不会
遭到挫败。
在此时此刻的
危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：
“
来吧，
让我们群
策群力，并肩前进！
”
<
/p>
温斯顿
·
丘吉尔
在俄国遭到入侵时发表的广播演说
Winston Churchill BROADCAST ON RUSSIA
BEING INVADED June 22
，
1941
Winston
Churchill
BROADCAST ON
RUSSIA BEING INVADED
June
22
，
1941
At 4 o'clock
this morning Hitler attacked and invaded
ly
，
without
declaration of
war
，
without even an
ultimatum
，
the German bombs
rained down from the
sky upon the
Russian cities
；
the German troops violated the Russian
frontiers and an
hour later the German
Ambassador
，
who till the
night before was lavishing his assurances
of
friendship
，
almost of
alliance
，
upon the
Russians
，
called upon the
Russian Foreign
Minister to tell him
that a state of war existed be- teen Germany and
Russia.
Hitler
is a monster of
wickedness
，
insatiable in his
lust for blood and Nazi
regimes devoid
of all theme and principle except appetite and
racial excels
in all forms of human
wickedness
，
in the efficiency
of its cruelty and ferocious
one has
been a more consistent opponent of Communism than
I have for
the last
twenty-
five years.I will unsay no words
that I?ve spoken about all this fades
away before the spectacle which is now
unfolding.
The
past
，
with its
crimes
，
its follies and its
tragedies
，
flashes away.I see
the Russian
soldiers standing on the
threshold of their native
land
，
guarding
the fields which their
fathers have
tilled from time immemorial.I see them guarding
their homes
，
their mothers
and wives pray
，
ah
，
yes
，
f
or there are times when all pray for the safety of
their loved
ones
，
for the
return of the breadwinner
，
of
the champion
，
of their
protectors.
I
see the 10
，
000 villages of
Russia
，
where the means of
existence was wrung so
hardly from the
soil
，
but where there are
still primordial human
joys
，
where maidens laugh
and children play.I see advancing upon
all this
，
in hideous
onslaught
，
the Nazi war
machine
，
with its
clanking
，
heel-
clicking
，
dandified Prussian
officers
，
its crafty expert
agents
，
fresh from
the cowing and tying down of a dozen countries.I
see also the dull
，
drilled
，
docile
，
brutish
masses of the Hun
soldiery
，
plod-ding on like a
swarm of crawling
locusts.I see the
German bombers and fighters in the
sky
，
still smarting from many
a
British
whipping
，
so delightful to
find what they believe is an easier and a safer
behind all this
glare
，
behind all this
storm
，
I see that small group
of villainous men who
planned
，
organized
and launched this cataract of horrors upon
mankind.
And
then my mind goes back across the years to the
days when the Russian armies
were our
Al- lies against the same deadly
foe
，
when they fought with so
much valor and
constancy and helped to
gain a victory
，
from all
share in which
，
alas
，
they
were
，
through
no
fault of ours
，
utterly cut
off.
I have
lived through all this and you will par-don me if
I express my feelings and me
stir of
old now I have to declare the decision of His
Majesty's Government
，
and I
feel sure it is decision in which the great
Dominions will
，
in due
course
，
that we
must speak of now
，
at
once
，
without a day's delay.I
have to make the declaration
but
，
can you doubt
what our policy will be
？
We have but one
aim and one single irrevocable are resolved to
destroy
Hitler and every vestige of the
Nazi this nothing will turn will
never parley
；
we will never negotiate with Hitler or
any of his shall fight him by
land
；
we shall fight him by
sea
；
we shall
fight him in the air
，
until
，
with God's help we
have rid the earth of his shadow and
liberated its people from his yoke.
Any man or State who fights
against Nazism will have our man or State who
marches with Hitler is our applies not
only to organized States but to all
representatives of that vile race of
Quislings who make themselves the tools and agents
of the Nazi regime against their fellow
countrymen and against the lands of their
Quislings
，
like
the Nazi leaders
themselves
，
if not disposed
of by their fellow
countrymen
，
which
would save trouble
，
will be
delivered by us on the morrow of victory to
the justice of the Al- lied is our
policy and that is our declaration.
Hitler's invasion of Russia
is no more than a prelude to an attempted invasion
of the
British
hopes
，
no
doubt
，
that all this may be
ac-accomplished before the Winter
comes
and that he can overwhelm Great Britain before the
fleets and air power of the
United
States will hopes that he may once again repeat
upon a greater scale
than ever before
that process of destroying his enemies one by
one
，
by which he has so
long thrived and
prospered
，
and that then the
scene will be clear for the final
act
，
without
which
all his conquests would be in vain
，
namely
，
the
subjugation of the Western
Hemisphere
to his will and to his system.
The Russian danger is
therefore our danger and the danger of the United
States just
as the cause of any Russian
fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of
free men and
free peoples in every
quarter of the globe.
Let us learn the lessons already taught
by such cruel us redouble our
exertions and strike with united
strength while life and power remain.
温
斯顿
·
丘吉尔
在俄国遭到入侵时发表的广播演说
1
941
年
6
月
22
日
今天凌晨
4
时，希特勒已进攻并侵入俄
国。没有宣战，甚至没有最后通牒，德国炸弹
突然在俄国城市的上空雨点般地落下，
德国军队侵犯俄国边境。
一小时后，
德国大
使拜见俄
国外交部长，
称两国已处于战争状态。
而正是这位大使，
昨夜还在喋喋不休地向俄国人保证
友
谊，几乎要保证结盟。
希特勒是个伤天害理，
屠杀掠夺成性的魔鬼；
而
纳粹制度除了欲望和种族统治外，
毫无
宗旨和原则。
它凶恶残忍的侵略所造成的后果，
为人类一切形式的罪恶行径所不及。
在过去
25
年里，没有人比我反对共产主义
更始终如一的了。我不想收回我对此所说过的话。但是，
所有这一切在目前展现的情景面
前都黯然失色了。
过去的一切，
连同它的罪恶，
它的愚蠢和悲剧，
正在飞驰而去。
我看见俄国士兵站在其
祖国
的大门口，
守卫着自古以来他们的祖先就已耕作的土地。
我看见
他们在守卫家园，
他们
的母亲和妻子在祈祷
——
呵，
是的，
因为这个时候人人
都要为所爱之人的平安而祈祷，
为他
们的赡养者、战斗者和保护
者的归来而祈祷。
我看见数以万计的俄罗斯村庄，
那儿的人们正在艰辛地从土地中获取生活资料
，
但那儿
依然有着人类的基本乐趣，
少
女在欢笑，
儿童在玩耍。
我看见纳粹的战争机器连同立正起来<
/p>
喀嚓一声，
全身叮当作响的花花公子似的普鲁士军官，
以及刚刚威吓、
压制过十多个国家的、
奸诈无比的
特工高手，向这一切碾压过去，展开了骇人听闻的袭击。我看见大批愚笨迟钝，
受过训练
，
唯命是从，
凶残暴戾的德国士兵，
像
一大群爬行的蝗虫正在沉重缓慢地前进。
我
看见因英国人的多次
惩罚仍心有余悸的德国轰炸机和战斗机在天空盘旋，
为找到一个自以为
< br>唾手可得的猎物而得意忘形。
在这种嚣张气焰的背后，
在
这场突然袭击的背后，
我看到了那
一小撮策划、
组织并向人类发动这场恐怖战争的恶棍。
于是，
我的思
绪回到了若干年前。
那
时，
俄国军队是
我们抗击同一不共戴天的仇敌的盟军，
他们坚韧不拔，
英勇善战
，
帮助我们
赢得了胜利，但后来，唉，他们却完全同这一切隔开
了
——
虽然这并非我们的过错。
我亲身经历了所有这一切。如果我
直抒胸臆，感怀旧事，你们是会原谅我的。但是，我
现在必须宣布国王陛下政府的决定，
我确信伟大的自治领在适当时候会一致同意这项决定
的。而我们必须在现在，必须立即宣
布这项决定，一天也不能耽搁。我必须发表这项声明，
我相信，你们绝不会怀疑我们将要
采取的政策。
< br>我们只有一个目标，
一个唯一的、
不可变更的目标。
我们决心要消灭希特勒，
清除纳粹
制度的一
切痕迹。
什么也不能使我们改变这个决心。
什么也不能！我们决
不谈判；
我们决不
同希特勒或他的任何党羽进行谈判。
我们将在陆地同他作战；
我们将在海洋同他作战；
我们
将在天空同他作战，
直到在上帝的帮助下，
在地球上清除他的阴影，
并把地球上的人民从他
的枷
锁下解放出来。
任何一个同纳粹主义作斗争的人或国家，
都将得到我们的援助。
任何一个与希特勒同流
合污的人或国家，都是我们的敌人。这一点不仅适用于国
家组织，而且适用于那些卑劣的、
吉斯林之流的代表人物，
他们
充当了纳粹制度的工具和代理人，
反对自己的同胞，
反对自己<
/p>
的故土。
这些吉斯林们，
就像纳粹头目本
身一样，
如果没有被自己的同胞干掉
（干掉就会省
去很多麻烦）
，
就将在胜利的翌日被我们送交同盟国
法庭审判。
这就是我们的政策，
这就是
我们的声明。
< br>希特勒侵略俄国不过是企图侵略不列颠诸岛的前奏。
毫无疑问，
< br>他指望在冬季到来之前
结束这一切，
并在美国海军和空军
进行干涉之前击溃大不列颠。
他指望更大规模地重演故伎：
把敌
人各个击破。
他一直是凭借这种伎俩得逞的。
那时，
他就可以为最后的行动扫清障碍了，
也就是说，
他
就要迫使西半球屈服干他的意志和制度了，
而如果做不到这一点，
他的一切征
服都将落空。
因此，
俄国的危险就是我国的危险，
就是美国的危险；
为保卫家园而战的俄国人民的事
业，就是世界各地自由人民和自由民族的事业。
让我们从如此残酷的经验中吸取教训吧！
乘此生命尚存，
力量还在之际，
让我们加倍努
力，合力奋战吧！
温斯顿
·
丘吉尔
“
他们最光辉的时刻
”
Winston
Churchill “ THEIR FINEST HOUR ” June 18
，
1940
Winston Churchill
“THEIR FINEST HOUR”
June
18
，
1940
I spoke the
other day of the colossal military disas- ter
which occurred when the
French High
Com- mand failed to withdraw the northern armies
fromBelgium at a moment
when they knew
that the French front was decisively broken at
Sedan and onthe Meuse.
This delay entailed the loss of fifteen
or six- teen French divisions and threw out of
action thewhole of the British
Expeditionary Force.
Our army were indeed rescued by the
BritishNavy from Dunkirk
，
but
only with the loss
of alltheir
cannon
，
vehicles and modern
equipment.
This
loss inevitably took some weeks to
repair
，
and in the first two
of these weeks the
Battle ofFrance had
been lost.
Now
I put all this aside.I put it on the shelffrom
which the historians may select their
docu- ments in order to tell their
have to thinkof the future and not of the past.
There are many
who wish to hold an inquest upon the conduct of
the government and
of Parlia- ment
during the years which led up to this wish to
indict those
who were re- sponsible for
the guidance of our affairs.
This also would be a
foolish and are too many in each
mansearch his conscience and search his
speeches
，
as Ifrequently
search this I
am quite
sure
，
that if we open a
quarrel between the past and thepresent we shall
find that
we have lost the future.
The military
events which have happened inFrance during the
last fortnight have not
come tome with
any sense of surprise
；
indeed
，
I
indicateda fortnight ago as clearly as I
could to the
House
，
that the worst
possibilities were open and I made itperfectly
clear that
whatever happened in
France
，
it would make no
difference to the resolve ofBritain and the
British Empire to fight
on
，
if neces-sary for
years
，
and if necessary
alone.
We have
under arms at the present time in thisisland over
1
，
250
，
000
these we havethe local defense
volunteers
，
numbering 500
，
000
，
only
a portion of whom
，
however
，
are armed withrifles or other
firearms.
We
have incorporated into our defense force amass of
weapons and we expect very
large addi-
tions to these weapons in the near
aration
，
we intend to call
up
，
drill and
train
，
further large numbers
at once.
We
also have the Dominion armies adians had actually
landed in
France
，
but
havenow been safely withdrawn much disappointed
andare here with all their
artillery
and very high-class forces from the dominionswill
now take part
in the defense of their
mothercountry.
Thus
，
the invasion
of Great Britain at thistime would require the
transport across the
seas ofhostile
armies on a very large scale and after theyhad
been so transported
，
they
would have to becontinually maintained
with all the immense massof munitions and
supplies which are required
forcontinuous battle
，
as
continuous battle it wouldbe.
Now here is where we come
to the - ter all
，
we have a
navy
；
some people
seem to for- get must remind more
than thir-ty years I have been
concerned in discussions aboutthe
possibility of an overseas invasion and I tookthe
responsibility on behalf of the
Admiralty at thebeginning of the last war of
allowing all the
regulartroops to be
sent out of the country although ourTerritorials
had only just been
called up and
werequite untried.
It seems to me that as far as sea-borne
inva-sion on a great scale is
concerned
，
we
are
far morecapable of meeting it than we were at many
periodsin the last war and during
the
early months of thiswar before our troops were
trained and while theBritish
Expeditionary Force was abroad.
We have also a
great system of mine
fields
，
recently
reinforced
，
through which we
alone knowthe the enemy tries to sweep
a channelthrough these mine
fields
，
it
will be
the task of thenavy to destroy these mine-sweepers
and any otherforce employed
to protect
ought to beno difficulty about
this
，
owing to our
superiority atsea.
Some people will ask why it was that
theBritish Navy was not able to prevent the
movementof a large army from Germany
into Norway acrossthe conditions
in
the Channel andin the North Sea are in no way like
those whichprevail in the
the
Skagerrak
，
be- cause of the
distance
，
we could give no
air supportto our
surface ships and
consequently
，
lying as wedid
close to the enemy's main air power in
Norwe-gian
waters
，
we were compelled to
use only oursubmarines.
This brings me naturally to the great
questionof invasion from the air and the
impending strugglebetween the British
and German Air Forces.
It seems quite clear that no invasion
on a scalebeyond the capacity of our ground
forces to crushspeedily is likely to
take place from the air untilour air force has
been
definitely
meantime
，
there may be raids
by parachutetroops and
attempted
descents by air-borne ought to be able to give
those gentrya warm
reception
，
both in
the air and if they reachthe ground in any
condition to continue their dis-
pute.
（
The great
question is
，
can we break
Hitler'sair weapon
？）
Now
，
of
course
，
it is a very great
pity that wehave not got an air force at least
equal to
that of the most powerful
enemy within reach of our
shores
，
but we have a very
powerful
air
force
，
which has proved
itself far superior in quality bothin men and in
many types of
machines to what wehave
met so far in the numerous fierce air battleswhich
have b
een
fought.
There remains
the danger of the bombing at-
tacks
，
which will certainly
be made very
soon uponus by the bomber
forces of the is quitetrue that these forces are
superior in number
toours
，
but we have a very
large bombing force alsowhich we shall use
to strike at the military targetsin
Germany without intermission.
I do not at all underrate
the severity of the or-deal which lies before
us
，
but I believe
that ourcountrymen will show themselves
capable of stand-ing up to it and carrying on in
spite of it at least aswell as any
other people in the world.
It will depend upon
themselves
，
and everyman and
woman will have the chance of
showingthe finest qualities of their
race and of renderingthe highest service to their
cause.
For all
of us
，
whatever our sphere or
station
，
it will be a help to
remember the famous
lines
：
He nothing
common did
，
or mean Upon that
memorable scene.
I have thought it right on this
occasion to givethe House and the country some
indication of
thesolid
，
practical grounds
upon which we are basingour invincible resolve to
continue the
war
，
and I can assure them
that our professional advisers ofthe three
services unitedly advise that we should
doit
，
and that there are good
and reasonable
hopes offinal victory.
We have fully
informed all the self-governingdominions and we
have received from all
PrimeMinisters
messages couched in the most
movingterms
，
in which they
endorse our
decision and de- clare
themselves ready to share our fortunes
andpersevere to the end.
We may now ask ourselves in what way
hasour position worsened since the
beginning of is worsened by the fact
that the Germanshave conquered a large
part of the coast of the Al- lies in
Western Europe
，
and many
small and countrieshave
beed overrun by
aggravates thepossibility of air attack and adds
to our naval
pre-
occupation
，
but it in no way
diminishes
，
but on
thecontrary definitely
increases
，
the
power of ourlong-distance blockade.
Should military
resistance come to an end
inFrance
—
which is not
yet
，
though it will in
anycase be greatly
diminished
—
the Germans can
con-centrate their forces both military
and industrial upon for the reason
given to the House thiswill not be easy to apply.
If invasion
becomes more imminent
，
we
havebeen relieved from the task of
maintaining a largearmy in France and
we have a far larger and moreefficient force here
to meet it.
If Hitler can bring under despotic
control theindustries of the countries he has
conquered
，
thiswill
add grestly to his already vast armament the
other hand
，
this will not
happen im-mediately and we are now assured of
immense con-tinued and
increasing
support in munitions of allkinds from the United
States
，
and especially of
air-planes and pilots from across the
willcome from regions beyond the reach
of enemybombers.I do not see how any of
these factors can oper-ate to our
detriment
，
on
balance
，
before
the Win-ter comes
，
and the
Winter will impose a strain up-on the Nazi
regime
，
with half
Europe writhing andstarving under its heel
< br>，
which
，
for all
their
ruth-
lessness
，
will run them very
hard.
Therefore
in casting up this dread balancesheet and
contemplating our dangers with
a
disillu-sioned eye
，
I see
great reasons for intense exertionand
vigilance
，
but none
whatever for panic or de- the first
four months of the last warthe Allies
experienced nothing but disaster and
dis- appointment
，
and yet at
the end their morale
washigher than
that of the Germans
，
who had
movedfrom one aggressive triumph to
another.
During that war we repeatedly asked
ourselvesthe question
，
“How
are we going to
win
？
”and noone
was ever able to answer it with much
preci
-sion
，
until
at the end
，
quite
suddenly and unex-
pectedly
，
our terrible foe
collapsed before us andwe were so glutted
with victory that in our folly wecast
it away.
We do
not yet know what will happen inFrance or whether
the French resistance will
beprolonged
both in France and in the French French
Government
will be throw- ing away
great opportunities and casting away theirfuture
if they do not
continue the war in
accordancewith their treaty
obligations
，
from which we
havenot felt
able to release them.
The House will
have read the historic declara-tion in the desire
of many
Frenchmenand of our own
hearts
，
we have proclaimed
ourwillingness to conclude at the
darkest hour inFrench history a union
of common citizenship intheir struggle.
However matters
may go in France or with theFrench
Government
，
or another French
Govern-ment
，
we in
this island and in the British Empirewill never
lose our sense of
comradeship with
theFrench people.
If we are now called upon to endure
what theyhave suffered
，
we
shall emulate their
courage
，
andif
final victory rewards our toils they shall
sharethe gain
—
aye
，
freedom shall
be restored
to abate nothing of our just
，
< br>Poles
，
Norwegians
，
Dutch and
Belgians
，
who havejoined
their causes with our
own
，
all shall be re- stored.
What General
Weygand called the Battle ofFrance is Battle of
Britain is
about this battle depends
the survival ofChristian civilization.
Upon it depends our own
British life and thelong continuity of our
institutions and our
whole fury and
might of the enemy must verysoon be turned upon
knows he will haveto break us in this
island or lose the war.
If we can stand up to him all Europe
may befreed and the life of the world may move
forwardinto broad sunlit
uplands
；
but if
we fail
，
the
wholeworld
，
including the
United
States and all that wehave known
and cared for
，
will sink into
the abyssof a new dark age
made more
sinister and perhapsmore prolonged by the lights
of a perverted sci- ence.
Let us therefore brace ourselves to our
dutyand so bear ourselves that if the British
Common- wealth and Empire last for a
thousand years
，
menwill still
say“This was their
finest
hour.”
温斯顿
·
丘吉尔
“
他们最光辉的时
刻
”
1940
年
6
月
18
日
前些
时我曾经谈到这场非常的军事灾难：
法军最高统帅部在获悉法国前线在色当和马斯
河一线肯定已经被突破时，没有能及时将北面的部队从比利时撤出。
这一延误使法军丧失了十五六个师
，而且使整个英国远征军完全失去作用。
我们的陆军诚然被海军从敦刻尔克营救出来，
但已经损失了全部的大炮、
车辆和其他现
代化装备。<
/p>
这些损失不得不花好几个星期去休整。
然而休整刚刚开始两个星期
，
法国就溃败
了。
这一切现在都不必多谈了，
不妨束之高阁，
待历史学家们去翻档案讲故事吧。
我们要思
考的是将来而不是过去。
有不少人希望进行一次调查，
查一查在把我们导向这场悲剧的这些年里政府和国会的所
作所为。他
们希望起诉那些对国务负有领导责任的人。
这也是一种愚蠢有害的做法。
涉及的
人太多了。
让每个人去扪心自问，
去反省一下自己
的言论吧，
就像我经常反省自己那样。
我敢肯定，<
/p>
如果我们在过去和现在之间展开一场争吵，
我们日后会发现，我们
已经失去了将来。
过去两个星期里法国发生的军事情况并未使我感到吃惊。
其实两星期以前我已
经尽可能
清楚地向下院说明，
最坏的可能性已见端倪。
我说得非常明确，
无论法国出现什么情况，
决<
/p>
不会影响英国和英帝国继续作战，必要时可以长期作战，必要时也可以单独作战。
眼下，本岛有<
/p>
125
万部队处于战备状态。此外还有地方防卫志愿军
50
万，不过他们之
中只有一部分装备有步枪或其
他火器。
我们的国防部队已经集中了大量的武器，
不久的将来还有望获得极大量的补充。
我们正
在准备立即再征集、训练大量兵员。
我们这里还有各自治领的部队。<
/p>
加拿大部队其实已在法国登陆，
他们大失所望，
< br>不过现
在已经安全地携带全部大炮和装备撤到我们这里。
这些从自治领来的高水平的部队将参加保
卫他们的母国。
因此，
现
在想侵犯大不列颠，
敌军就必须极大规模地越海运输部队，
而部
队运输之后又
必须持续供应持久战所必需的大量军火和给养，因为战争必将是持久的。<
/p>
现在该谈
谈海军了。毕竟我们还有一支海军，有些人似乎忘了，我们必须提醒他们。
30
多年来我一直关注着关于海上入侵的可能性的讨论。上次大战开始时我曾代表海军部负
责运送所有的正规部队出国，虽然那时我们的本土防卫队刚刚征集，尚待考验。
我觉得，
< br>就海上大规模入侵的问题而言，
比起上次大战中很多时候以及这次大战中头几
个月我们的部队未及训练而英国远征军又在国外的情况来，
我们现在
对付他们的能力要强得
多。
我们还有一个大面积的水雷区，
最近
它又得到了加强。
只有我们自己知道水雷区的航道。
如果敌人试
图在水雷区清扫出一条航道，
我们海军的任务就是摧毁他们的扫雷舰以及为扫雷
舰护航的其他部队。由于我们的海上优势，这一点应该是没有困难的。
有些人会问，为什么英国海军没能
阻止一支大部队从德国越过斯卡格拉克海峡进入挪
威？应该说，
英吉利海峡及北海的情况和斯卡格拉克海峡普遍存在的情况是完全不同的。
在
斯卡格拉克海峡，
由于距离太远。
我们无法为水面
舰船提供空中支援，
其结果是，
为了避开
敌军在挪威海面的空军主力，我们只好被迫使用潜艇。
这就自然而然地引出空中入侵和即将到来的英德空军之间较量
的大问题。
事情似乎很清楚，
在我们空军的实力决定性地被压倒之前，
规模大到我们的地面部队无
力迅速予以粉碎的空中入侵是不大会发生的。
但同时降落伞部队的突然袭击或空降兵的试图
降落倒是可能的。
我们应该能给这些家伙以热情的接待，
无论在空中或者在他们落地并继续
顽抗的时候。
眼前，
非常遗憾的当然是我们至少还没有一支可以在我国海岸地
带与最强大的敌方空军
相匹敌的空军，
但是我们毕竟还是有一支
强大的空军，
在人员和多种机型这两方面的质量上
远优于他们遭
遇的对手，这一点已在迄今为止多次的空中恶战中得到证明。
此外，
还有轰炸的危险。
敌人的轰炸机部队肯定很快就会轰炸我们。
千真万确，
这些轰
炸机部队在数量上是超过我们的。
不过我们也有一支
强大的轰炸机部队，
我们将用以不间歇
地打击德国的军事目标。
我丝毫
也没有低估我们面临的考验的严峻性，
但是我相信我们的同胞们会证明他们能顶
得住并且百折不回地坚持下去，至少不输给世界上任何民族。
一切取决于自己，
每一个男人和女人都有机会显示自己民族的优秀品质，
为自己的事业
作出最大的贡献。
对我们大家来说，无论什么身份、什么地位，记得这两行有名的诗总是有益的：
对那令人怀念的事业，他作出了卓越的贡献。
我想应该在这个场合向下院和全国
说明，
我们无比坚定的继续作战的决心是有着坚实基
础的。
我敢向他们保证，
我们三军的参谋们一致认为我们应该打下去，
我们有充分的、
合理
的取得最后胜利的希望
。
我们
已经把一切告知所有的自治领，我们已经收到各位总理用最感人的言辞表达的信
息，他们
支持我们的决定，宣布他们已经准备好和我们共命运，并坚持到底。
现在我们可以自问，
战争爆发以来我们的处境是如何每况愈下的？！
那是由于德国人征
服了西欧协约国的大部分海岸，
许多小国被侵占，
这就加大了空中攻击的可能性，
也增加了
对我们海军的牵制。<
/p>
但我们的海军决没有被削弱，
相反肯定是加强了我们远距离封锁的
能力。
如果法国的军事抵抗告终
——
现在还没有，
虽然不管怎么说是大大减弱了
——
德国人就
能集中其军事力量和工业能力对付我们。
不过按我向下院说过的理由，
这决不是轻而易举的。
即便入侵迫在眉睫，
我们也已经从在
法国维持庞大部队的重担下摆脱出来，
并已经有了
强大得多的兵
力在本土作战。
如果希特勒能把占领国的工业专横地控制起来，就将大大加强他原已庞大的军需生产。
< br>但这也决不是一朝一夕之功。
而我们现在则有把握从美国得到大量持续不断而且越
来越多的
各种各样武器的支援，
特别是飞机和飞行员。
他们越洋而来，
来自敌人的轰炸机鞭长莫及的
地
方。
总
起来说，
在冬天到来之前，
我看不出这些因素能起多少对我们不
利的作用。
而冬天会
给纳粹政权加重负担，
半个欧洲在他们的铁蹄下挣扎、
挨饿。
不管他们何等凶残，
这一切都
将使他们陷于困境。
因此在计算这张令人忧虑的资产负
债表，
并且清醒地反复思考我们的危险时，
我认为有
千万条理由要竭尽全力和时刻警惕，但绝无丝毫理由惊慌失措，丧失信心。上次大战的头< p>
9
个月，
协约国遭遇的只有灾难和失望，
但最后，
他们的士气比德国人要高，
尽管德国人
在侵
略中也曾经一再得逞。
在那次战争中，我们曾一再问自己：
“
我们将如何赢得胜利？
”
但始终没有
谁能准确地作
出答复。
直到最后，
凶恶
的敌人突如其来、
出人意料地在我们面前崩溃了。
可惜我们被胜
利
冲昏头脑，以致干了蠢事，又把胜利的果实丢了。
我们还不知道法国会出现什么情况
，
法国人的抵抗还能不能在法国和她的海外帝国继续
下去。
法国政府如果不按照条约的义务继续打下去
——
我们认为还不能免除他们的这些义务
——
那么他们必将丧失
大好时机，葬送他们的前途。
<
/p>
下院将会看到一个历史性的声明，
按许多法国人和我们自己内心的
愿望，
我们宣布了愿
意在法兰西历史上最黑暗的时刻和他们结成
一个在共同斗争中互通国籍的同盟。
不论法国、
法国现政府或者别的法国
政府何去何从，
我们英国和英帝国永远不会舍弃和
法国人民的同
志之谊。
如果现在要我们去承受他们所蒙受过的苦难，
我们将会学习他们的勇敢。
如果我们的艰
辛赢得最后胜利，
他们将分享胜利的果
实
——
当然，
大家都将重获自由。
我们决不降低我们
的正义要求，捷克人、波兰人、挪威人、荷兰人、
比利时人，凡是把他们的事业和我们的事
业融为一体的，都将重获自由。
魏刚将军所说的法兰西
之战已告终结，
不列颠之战即将揭幕。
基督教文明的生死存亡在
此一战。
我们英国人、
我们的制度和我们的帝国的存亡续绝也都在此一战
。
敌人全部的凶狂和强
暴很快就会转向我们。希特勒懂得，必须
把我们粉碎在这个岛上，否则他就输了这场战争。
如果我们能顶得住，
全欧洲都将获得
解放，
全世界的人民就能进入一个阳光普照的辽阔
高地。但是，
如果我们失败了，全世界，包括美国和所有我们熟悉和关怀的国家，都将堕入
一个新的黑
暗时代的深渊、
一个由某种扭曲了的科学所造成的更加凶险或者可能更加漫长的
黑暗时代的深渊。
那么就让我们振作精神，
承担起自己的责任来，
让我们干出名堂来
——
倘若英联邦和英
帝国再生存一千年，到那时人们还会说
“
这是他们最光
辉的时刻
”
。
温斯顿
·
丘吉尔
写作的乐趣
Winston
Churchill
THE JOYS OF
WRITING
February
17
，
1908
The fortunate
people in the world-the only reallyfortunate
people in the world
，
in my
mind
，
-arethose
whose work is also their classis not a large
one
，
not nearly
so
large as it is oftenrepresented to
be
；
and authors are perhaps
one ofthe most important
elements in
its enjoy in this respect at least a real
harmonyof my
mind
，
to be able
to make your workyour pleasure is the one class
distinction in theworld
worth striving
for
；
and I do not wonder
thatothers are inclined to envy those happy human
be-ings who find their livelihood in
the gay effusionsof their
fancy
，
to whom every hour of
labour is anhour of
enjoyment
，
to whom repose-
however nec
－
essary-is a
tiresome
even a holidayis almost r a
man writes wellor ill
，
has
much to say or
little
，
if he cares
aboutwriting at all
，
he will
appreciate the pleasures
sit at one's
table on a sunny
morning
，
with four clear
hours of
uninterruptiblesecurity
，
plenty of nice white
paper
，
and a Squeez-er pen-
that is true
complete
ab
－
sorption of the mind upon
an agreeable occupa-tion-what
more is
there than that to
desire
？
Whatdoes it matter
what happens outside
？
The
House
ofCommons may do what it
likes
，
and so may theHouse of
heathen may rage
furiously inevery part
of the bottom may beknocked clean out of the
American
－
sols
may fall and suffragettes may
ind
，
for four
hours
，
at any
rate
，
we will
with
－
draw ourselves from a
common
，
ill-
governed
，
and disorderly
world
，
and with the key of
fancyunlock that cupboard where all the good
things ofthe infinite are
put away.
And speaking of
freedom
，
is not the
authorfree
，
as few men are
free
？
Is he not
secure
，
as fewmen
are secure
？
The tools of his
industry are socommon and so cheap
that
they have almost ceasedto have commercial needs
no bulky pileof raw
material
，
no
elaborate apparatus
，
no
serviceof men or is dependent for his
occupa-tion upon no one but
himself
，
and nothing
outsidehim that is the
sovereign of an
em-pire
，
self-
supporting
，
onecan
sequestrate his
one can deprivehim of
his stock in trade
；
no one
can force him toexercise his
faculty
against his will
；
no one
canprevent him exercising it as he pen isthe
great liberator of men and chainscan
bind
，
no poverty can
choke
，
no tariff can
re-strict the free play of his
mind
，
and even the“Times”
Book Club can only exert a
moderatelydepressing influence upon his
rhis work is good or bad
，
so
long as he does his besthe is happy.I
often fortify myself amid the uncer-tainties and
vexations of political life by
believingthat I possess a line of retreat into a
peaceful
andfertile country where no
rascal can pursue andwhere one need never be dull
or idle or
even whollywithout is then<
/p>
，
indeed
，
that I feel de
－
voutly
thankful to have been
born foud of is
then
，
indeed
，
that I feel grateful to all thebrave and generous
spirits
who
，
in every age and inevery
land
，
have fought to
establish the now un-questioned
freedom
of the pen.
And
what a noble medium the English
lan
－
guage is not possible
to write a page
withoutexperiencing
positive pleasure at the richness
andvariety
，
the flexibility
and the
profoundness of an English
writer cannot saywhat he has to say in
English
，
and in
simple Eng-lish
，
depend upon
it it is probably not worth a pity
it
is that English is not more gen-erally studied.I
am not going to attack classical
one
who has the slightest pretensionto literary tastes
can be insensible to
the attractionof
Greece and I confess our present
ed
－
ucational system excites
in my mind grave misgiv-ings.I cannot
believe that a system is
good
，
oreven
reasonable
，
which thrusts
upon reluctant anduncomprehending multitudes
treasures which can only
be appreciated
by the privileged and the vast majority of boys
who attend
ourpublic schools a
classical education is from
begin
－
ning to end one long
useless
，
meaningless I am
told that classles are the best
prepara
－
tion for the study
of
English
，
I
reply that by farthe greater number of students
finish their educa
－
tion
while this
preparatory stage is still
incompleteand without deriving any of the benefits
which
arepromised as its result.
And even of
those who
，
without being
great scholars
，
attain a
certain general
acquaintance withthe
ancient writers
，
can it
really be said that theyhave also obtained the
mastery of
English
？
How many young
gentlemen there are from the
universi
－
ties and
public schools who can turn a Latin
versewith a facility which would make the old
Romanssquirm in their few there are
who canconstruct a few good
sentences
，
or
still less a fewgood paragraphs of plain
，
correct
，
and
straightfor
－
ward
，
I am a great
admirer of theGreeks
，
althoug
h
，
of
course
，
I have to depend
up
－
on what others
tell me about them
，
-and I
wouldlike to see our educationists imitate in
one respect
，
at
least
，
the Greek is it that
theGreeks made their language the
most
graceful andcompendious mode of expression ever
known a- mong men
？
Did they
spend all their time studyingthe
languages which had preceded
theirs
？
Did
theyexplore
with tireless persistency
the ancient rootdialects of the vanished
world
？
Not at
udied studied their own loved
it
，
they cherished
it
，
they adorned
it
，
they expanded
it
，
and that is why it
survives amodel and delight to all
we
，
whose
mother
－
tongue has already
won for itselfsuch an unequalled
empier
over the modern world
，
can
learn this lesson at least from the ancientGreeks
and
bestow a little care and some
proper
－
tion of the years of
education to the study of a
language
which is perhaps to play a predominant partin the
future progress of mankind.
Let us remember the author
can always do is no excuse for
great
crick
－
eter may be out of
general may on theday of decisive battle have a
bad toothache or a admiral may be
seasick
—
as a sufferer
Ireflect with
satisfaction upon that
may be afflicted with
catarrh
，
or
Hacken-schmidt with for an
orator
，
it is notenough for
him to be able to think
well and must
think is vital to neity is more than ever
the hall
－
mark
ofgood these varied forces of activityrequire
from the
performer the command of
thebest that is in him at a particular moment
whichmay be fixed
by circumstances
utterly beyond is not so with the need
nev
－
er
appear in
public until he is can alwaysrealise the best
that is in is not
dependentupon his best moment in any
one maygroup together the best moments
of twenty is no excuse for him if he
does not do is his
opportunity
；
great
also his e
—
I forget
who
—
has
said
：
“Words are
the on
ly things which last
for ever.”That is
，
to my
mind
，
always a wonderful
most durable structures raised in stone
by thestrength of man
，
the
mightiest monuments
of
hispower
，
crumble into
dust
，
while the words
spokenwith fleeting
breath
，
the passing
expression of theunstable fancies of
his mind
，
endure not as
echoesof the past
，
not as
mere archaeological curiositiesor
venerable relics
，
but with a
force and life as newand
strong
，
and
sometimes far stronger than whenthey were first
spoken
，
and leaping across
the gulfof three thousand
years
，
they light the world
forus to-day.
温斯顿
·
丘吉尔
写作的乐趣
1908
年
2
月
17
日
在我看来，
世上幸运的人
——
世上唯一真正幸运的人，
是那些以工作为乐的
人。
这个阶
层的人并不多，
还没有人们
常说的那样多。
也许，
作家是其中最重要的组成部分之一。
就幸
运而言，
他们至少享受着生活中真正的
和谐美。
依我看，
能使工作成为乐趣，
是世人值得为
之奋斗的一种崇高的荣誉；
而且，
我毫不怀疑别人会羡慕这些幸福的人，
因为他们在快乐地
喷涌的幻想中找到了生计，
对他们来说，
每劳动一小时，
就是享受一小时，
而休息
——
无论
多么有必要
——
是令人
讨厌的插曲，
甚至度假也几乎成了一种损失。
无论写得好坏，<
/p>
写成多
少，只要在意，就可尝到谋章布局的乐趣。在一个阳光明媚
的早晨，临桌而坐，整整四个小
时不受打扰，有足够数量的雪白稿纸，还有一支
“
挤压式
”
妙笔
——
那才叫真正的幸福。全心
全意地投入一项
令人愉快的职业
——
此愿足矣！
外面发
生什么事又有何妨？下院想干什么就
干什么吧，
上院也可如此。
异教徙可以在全球各地大发作。
美国市场可以彻底崩溃。
证券可
以下跌；女权运动可以兴起。没有关系，不管怎么说，我们有四
个小时可以躲开这俗气的、
治理不善的、
杂乱无章的世界，
并且用想象这把钥匙，
去开启藏有大千世界一切宝物的小橱。
说到自由，<
/p>
既然自由自在的人为数不多，
难道作家还不算自由？既然获得安全
感的人并
不多，难道作家还不算安全？作家作业的工具极为平常，极为便宜，几乎不再有
商业价值。
他不需要成堆的原材料，不需要精密仪器，不需要有人效犬马之劳。他的职业
不靠任何人，
只靠自己；除了他自己以外，任何事都无关紧要。他就是一国之君，既自给
，又自立。任何
人都不能没收他的资产。
任何人都不能剥夺他的
从业资本；
任何人都不能强迫他违心地施展
才华；
任何人都不能阻止他按自己的选择发挥天赋。
他的笔就是人类和各民族的大救
星。
他
的思想在自由驰骋，任何锁链束缚不住，任何贫困阻挡不
住，任何关税限制不住，甚至
“
泰
晤士
”
图书俱乐部也只能有节制地对他的收获泼一点冷水。无论作品
是好是糟，只要已经尽
力而为，他就会感到欢快。在变幻无常、扑朔迷离的政坛活动中，
我每每以此信念自励：我
有一条通向安逸富饶之地的退路，
在那
里，
任何无赖都不能追踪，
我永远不必垂头丧气或无
可事事，
即便没有一丁点权力。
确实，
在那时，
我才为自己生来就爱好写作而真诚地感到欣
慰不已；
在那时，
我才对各个时代、
各个国家所有勇敢而慷慨的人充满感激之情，
因为他们
为确立如
今无可争议的写作自由进行了斗争。
英语是多么崇高的工具！
我们每写下
一页，
都不可能不对祖国语言的丰富多采、
灵巧精
深，
产生一种实实在在的喜悦。
如果一位英国作家不
能用英语，
不能用简单的英语说出他必
须说的话，
请诸位相信，
那句话也许就不值得说。
英语没有更广
泛地得到学习是何等的憾事！
我不是要攻击古典教育。
凡自命对
文学有一丁点鉴赏力的人，
都不可能对希腊罗马的吸引力
无动于
衷。但我承认，我国目前的教育制度却使我忧心忡忡。我无法相信这个制度是好的，
甚至
是合理的，
因为它把唯有少数特权人物和天才人物才能欣赏的东西，
一古脑儿摆在很不
情愿又很不理解的人民大众面前。
对公立
学校的广大学童来说，
古典教育从头至尾都是一些
冗长的、
毫无用处的和毫无意义的废话。
如果有人告诉我，
< br>古典课程是学习英语的最好准备，
那我就回答说，
迄今为
止，
大批学生已完成了学业，
而这个准备阶段却仍然很不完善，
未能
收到它所保证的任何好处。
即使那些无缘成为大学者、
但对古代作家有所了解的人，
难道可以说他们已经掌握了英
语吗？究竟有多少从大学和公学毕业的年轻绅士，
能够娴熟地写下一段拉丁
诗文，
使坟墓中
的古罗马人闻之动情？能写出几行佳句的人何其
少也！
更不要说能用简单的、
正确的和练达
的英语写出几个精彩段落的人了。
不过，
我倒是极为仰慕古
希腊人
——
当然我得仰仗别人把
他们的
情况告诉我
——
我想见到我们的教育专家至少能在一个方面效法
古希腊人。
古希腊人
是如何使自己的语言，
成为人类迄今所知最典雅、
最简练的表达方式的呢？他们花毕生时间
学习希腊语以前的语言了吗？他们无休无止地坚持探索已消失的世界的原始方言了吗？根
本没有！
他们只学习希腊语。
他们学习自己的语言。<
/p>
他们热爱它，
珍惜它，
点缀它，
发展它，
因此，它才能延续下来，成为所有后代人的楷模和乐趣。毫无疑
问，对我们来说，既然英语
已经为自己在现代世界赢得了如此无与论比的疆域，
我们至少能从古希腊人那里学到一条道
理，
在数
年教育中稍微操点心并拨出一些时间，
去学习一种也许将在人类未来进步中起到主
导作用的语言。
让我们都记住，
作家永远可以尽最大的努力，
< br>他没有任何借口不这样做。
板球巨星也许
会状态不佳。<
/p>
将军在决战之日也许会牙疼，
或者他的部队很糟糕。
舰队司令也许会晕船
——
我作为晕船者满意地想到了
那种意外。卡鲁索也许会得黏膜炎，哈肯施米特也许会得流感。
至于一位演说家，
想得好和想得正确是不够的，
他还需想得快。
速度至关重要；
随机应变越
来越成为优秀演说家的标志。
所有上述活动都需要行动者在一个特定的时刻倾其所能，
而这
一时刻也许决定于他完全无法控制的种种事态。
作家的情况不一样。
不到万事俱备，
他永远
不必出场。
他永远可以发挥最大的能力。
他并不依赖于自己在某一天的最佳一刻，<
/p>
他可以把
20
天的最佳时刻加起来。他没
有理由不尽最大的努力。他的机会很多；他的责任也很重。
某人说过
——
我忘了此君是谁
——“
话语乃
唯一持久不灭之物
”
。依我看，这永远是绝妙的思
想。
人类力量的最伟大的杰作，
即人类用石块垒起的
无比坚固的大厦，
也会夷为废墟，
而那
脱口而出的话语，
那思绪起伏时转瞬即逝的表达却延续了下来，
但它不是过去的回响，
不是
纯粹的建筑奇迹或神圣的遗址，
它力量依旧，
生命依旧，
有时候远比初说时
更坚强有力，
它
越过了
3000
年时光的峡谷，为今天的我们照亮了世界。
英语演讲范文（丘吉尔）
I am
speaking not as a Briton, not as a European, not
as a member of a western
democracy, but
as a human being, a member of the species Man,
whose continued
existence is in doubt.
The world is full of conflicts: Jews and Arabs;
Indians and Pakistanis;
white men and
Negroes in Africa; and, overshadowing all minor
conflicts, the titanic
struggle between
communism and anticommunism.
Almost everybody who is
politically conscious has strong feelings about
one or
more of these issues; but I want
you, if you can, to set aside such feelings for
the moment
and consider yourself only
as a member of a biological species which has had
a
remarkable history and whose
disappearance none of us can desire. I shall try
to say no
single word which should
appeal to one group rather than to another. All,
equally, are in
peril, and, if the
peril is understood, there is hope that they may
collectively avert it. We
have to learn
to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask
ourselves not what steps can
be taken
to give military victory to whatever group we
prefer, for there no longer are such
steps. The question we have to ask
ourselves is: What steps can be taken to prevent a
military contest of which the issue
must be disastrous to all sides?
The general public, and
even many men in positions of authority, have not
realized
what would be involved in a
war with hydrogen bombs. The general public still
thinks in
terms of the obliteration of
cities. It is understood that the new bombs are
more powerful
than the old and that,
while one atomic bomb could obliterate Hiroshima,
one hydrogen
bomb could obliterate the
largest cities such as London, New York, and
Moscow. No
doubt in a hydrogen-bomb war
great cities would be obliterated. But this is one
of the
minor disasters that would have
to be faced. If everybody in London, New York, and
Moscow were exterminated, the world
might, in the course of a few centuries, recover
from the blow. But we now know,
especially since the Bikini test, that hydrogen
bombs can
gradually spread destruction
over a much wider area than had been supposed. It
is stated
on very good authority that a
bomb can now be manufactured which will be
25,000
times
as powerful as
that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb, if
exploded near the ground
or under
water, sends radioactive particles into the upper
air. They sink gradually and
reach the
surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust
or rain. It was this dust which
infected the Japanese fishermen and
their catch of fish although they were outside
what
American experts believed to be
the danger zone. No one knows how widely such
lethal
radioactive particles might be
diffused, but the best authorities are unanimous
in saying
that a war with hydrogen
bombs is quite likely to put an end to the human
race. It is feared
that if many
hydrogen bombs are used there will be universal
death - sudden only for a
fortunate
minority, but for the majority a slow torture of
disease and disintegration...
Here, then, is the problem
which I present to you, stark and dreadful and
inescapable: Shall we put an end to the
human race1 or shall mankind renounce war?
People will not face this alternative
because it is so difficult to abolish war. The
abolition of
war will demand
distasteful limitations of national sovereignty.
But what perhaps impedes
understanding
of the situation more than anything else is that
the term 'mankind' feels
vague and
abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination
that the danger is to
themselves and
their children and their grandchildren, and not
only to a dimly
apprehended humanity'
And so they hope that perhaps war may be allowed
to continue
provided modern weapons are
prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory.
Whatever
agreements not to use hydrogen
bombs had been reached in time of peace, they
would
no longer be considered binding
in time of war, and both sides would set to work
to
manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon
as war broke out, for if one side manufactured the
bombs and the other did not, the side
that manufactured them would inevitably be
victorious...
As
geological time is reckoned, Man has so far
existed only for a very short period one
million years at the most. What he has
achieved, especially during the last 6,000 years,
is
something utterly new in the history
of the Cosmos, so far at least as we are
acquainted
with it. For countless ages
the sun rose and set, the moon waxed and waned,
the stars
shone in the night, but it
was only with the coming of Man that these things
were
understood. In the great world of
astronomy and in the little world of the atom, Man
has
unveiled secrets which might have
been thought undiscoverable. In art and literature
and
religion, some men have shown a
sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth
preserving. Is all this to end in
trivial horror because so few are able to think of
Man rather
than of this or that group
of men? Is our race so destitute of wisdom, so
incapable of
impartial love, so blind
even to the simplest dictates of self-
preservation, that the last proof
of
its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of
all life on our planet? - for it will be not
only men who will perish, but also the
animals, whom no one can accuse of communism
or anticommunism.
I cannot believe that this
is to be the end. I would have men forget their
quarrels for a
moment and reflect that,
if they will allow themselves to survive, there is
every reason to
expect the triumphs of
the future to exceed immeasurably the triumphs of
the past. There
lies before us, if we
choose, continual progress in happiness,
knowledge, and wisdom.
Shall we,
instead, choose death, because we cannot forget
our quarrels? I appeal, as a
human
being to human beings: remember your humanity, and
forget the rest. If you can
do so, the
way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot,
nothing lies before you but
universal
death.
我们该选择死亡吗？（丘吉尔）
我不是作为一个英国人、
一个欧洲人、
一个西方民主国家的一员，
而是作
为一个人，
作
为不知是否还能继续生存下去的人类的一员在讲演
。世界充满了争斗：犹太人和阿拉伯人；
印度人和巴勒斯坦人；
非洲的白人和黑人；
以及使所有的小冲突都相形见绌的共产主义和反
共产主义之间的大搏斗。
差不多每个有政治意识的人都对这类问题怀有强烈的感受；但
是我希望你们，如果
你们能够的话，
把这份感受暂搁一边，
并把自己只看作一种具有非凡历史、
谁也不希望它灭
亡的生物的一员。
可能会迎合一群人而冷落另一群人的词语，
< br>我将努力一个字都不说。
所有
的人，
不分彼此，
都处在危险之中；
如果大家都看到了这种危险，
那么就有希望联合起来避
开它。
我们必
须学习新的思想方法。
我们必须学习不自问能采取什么措施来使我们所喜欢的
人群获得军事上的胜利，
因为不再有这样的措施。
我们必须自问的问题是：
能采取什么措施
来避免必然会给各方造
成灾难的军事竞赛？
普通群众，甚至许多当权人士，不清楚一场氢弹战所包含的会
是什么。普通群众仍
旧从城市的毁灭上思考问题。
不言而喻，<
/p>
新炸弹比旧炸弹更具威力
——
一颗原弹能
毁灭广岛，
而一颗氢弹能毁灭像伦敦、
纽约和菲斯科这样的大都
市。
毫无疑问，
一场氢弹战将会毁灭大
城市。
但这只是世界必须面对的小灾难中的一个。
假如化敦人、
纽约人和莫斯科人都灭绝了，
世界可能要经过几个世纪才能从这
场灾难中恢复过来。
而我们现在，
尤其是从比基尼核试验
以来很清楚：
氢弹能够逐渐把破坏力扩散到一个比预料要广大得多的地
区。
据非常权威的人
士说，
现在能够制
造出一种炸弹，
其威力比毁灭广岛的炸弹大
2.5
万倍。
这种炸弹如果在近
地或水下爆炸，
会把放射性微粒送入高层大气。
这些微粒逐渐降落，
呈有毒灰尘或毒雨的状
态到达地球表面。
正是这种灰尘使日本
渔民和他们所捕获的鱼受到了感染，
尽管他们并不在
美国专家所
确认的危险区之内。
没有人知道这种致命的放射性微粒怎么会传播得这么广，
但
是这个领域的最高权威一致表示：
一场氢弹战差
不多就是灭绝人类的代名词。
如果许多氢弹
被使用，
死神恐怕就会降临全球
——
只有少数幸运者才会突
然死亡，
大多数人却须忍受疾病
和解体的慢性折磨
……
这里，
我要向你提起一个直率的、
令人不快而又无法
回避的问题：
我们该消灭人类，
还是人类该抛弃战争？人们不愿
面对这个抉择，
因为消灭战争太难了。
消灭战争要求限制国
家主权，这令人反感。然而
“
人类
”
这个专门名词给人们的感觉是模糊、抽象的，它可能比任
何其他东西都更容易妨碍认识这种形势。
人们几乎没有用自己的想象力去认识
这种危险不仅
指向他们所模模糊糊理解的人类，
而且指向他们自
己和他们的子子孙孙。
于是他们相信只要
禁止使用现代武器，<
/p>
也许可以允许战争继续下去。
恐怕这个愿望只是幻想。
任何不使用氢弹
的协定是在和平时期达成的，
在战
争时期这种协定就被认为是没有约束力的，
一旦战争爆发，
双方
就会着手制造氢弹，
因为如果一方制造氢弹而另一方不造的话，
造氢弹的一方必然会取
胜
……
按照地质年代来计算，人类到目前
为止只存在了一个极短的时期
——
最多
100
万
年。在至少就我们所了解的宇宙而言，人类在特别是最
近
6000
年里所达到的认识，在宇宙
史上是一些全新的东西。
太阳升升落落，
月亮盈盈亏亏，
夜空星光闪烁，
无数岁月就这样过
去了，
只是到人类出现以后，
这些才被理解。
在天
文学的宏观世界和原子的微观世界，
人类
揭示了原先可能认为无
法提示的秘密。
在艺术、
文学和宗教领域里，
< br>一些人显示了一种崇高
的感情，
它使人们懂得人类是值得
保全的。
难道因为很少有人能考虑整个人类多于这个或那
个人群
，
这一切就会在毫无价值的恐怖行动中结束吗？人类是否如此缺少智慧，
如此缺少无
私的爱，
如此盲目，
甚至连自我保存的最简单命令都听不见，
以致要用灭绝地球上的所有生
命来最后证明它那缺乏理智的小聪明？
——
因为不驻人
会被消灭，
而且动物也会被消灭，
没
有
人能指责它们是共产主义或反共产主义。
我无法相信结局会是这样。人们如
果想让自己生存下去，他们就应暂时忘掉争吵，
进行反省，
人们
有千万条理由期待未来的成就极大地超过以往的成就，
如果让我们选择，
那
么擂在我们面前的有幸福、
知识和智慧的持续增长。
我们能因为无法忘掉争吵而舍此去选择
死亡吗？作为一个人，<
/p>
我向所有的人呼吁：
记住你们的人性，
忘
掉其余的一切。
如果你们能
这样做，
通
向一个新的天堂的路就畅通无阻；
如果你们做不到这一点，
摆在
你们面前的就只
有全世界的毁灭。
丘吉尔二战圣三主日演讲
Be Ye
Men of Valour
BBC, May 19, 1940
First Broadcast
as Prime Minister to the British People
By May 14, the
news from the front was uniformly bad. The Germans
had broken
through the French defences
at Sedan, and everywhere the French forces were
reeling
under a devastating barrage
from land and air.
come in
contact,
overwhelming.
confer
with the French leaders. It was evident that the
military situation was near to
catastrophic, and that the military
commanders and political leaders were resigned to
overwhelming defeat. Churchill agreed
to send ten fighter squadrons to France, thereby
imperilling the situation in England,
as a desperate attempt to restore the spirits of
his Ally.
On May 19, the Cabinet was
informed that Lord Gort was
withdrawal
towards Dunkirk.
broadcast as Prime
Minister to the British people.
I speak to you
for the first time as Prime Minister in a solemn
hour for the life of our
country, of
our empire, of our allies, and, above all, of the
cause of Freedom. A
tremendous battle
is raging in France and Flanders. The Germans, by
a remarkable
combination of air bombing
and heavily armored tanks, have broken through the
French
defenses north of the Maginot
Line, and strong columns of their armored vehicles
are
ravaging the open country, which
for the first day or two was without defenders.
They
have penetrated deeply and spread
alarm and confusion in their track. Behind them
there
are now appearing infantry in
lorries, and behind them, again, the large masses
are
moving forward. The re-groupment of
the French armies to make head against, and also
to strike at, this intruding wedge has
been proceeding for several days, largely assisted
by
the magnificent efforts of the Royal
Air Force.
We
must not allow ourselves to be intimidated by the
presence of these armored
vehicles in
unexpected places behind our lines. If they are
behind our Front, the French
are also
at many points fighting actively behind theirs.
Both sides are therefore in an
extremely dangerous position. And if
the French Army, and our own Army, are well
handled, as I believe they will
be
；
if the French
retain that genius for recovery and
counter-attack for which they have so
long been famous
；
and if the British Army shows
the dogged endurance and solid fighting
power of which there have been so many
examples in the past
——
then a sudden
transformation of the scene might spring into
being.
It would be foolish, however, to
disguise the gravity of the hour. It would be
still more
foolish to lose heart and
courage or to suppose that well-trained, well-
equipped armies
numbering three or four
millions of men can be overcome in the space of a
few weeks, or
even months, by a scoop,
or raid of mechanized vehicles, however
formidable. We may
look with confidence
to the stabilization of the Front in France, and
to the general
engagement of the
masses, which will enable the qualities of the
French and British
soldiers to be
matched squarely against those of their
adversaries. For myself, I have
invincible confidence in the French
Army and its leaders. Only a very small part of
that
splendid Army has yet been heavily
engaged
；
and only
a very small part of France has
yet
been invaded. There is a good evidence to show
that practically the whole of the
specialized and mechanized forces of
the enemy have been already thrown into the
battle
；
and we know that very heavy losses have
been inflict upon them. No officer or
man, no brigade or division, which
grapples at close quarters with the enemy,
wherever
encountered, can fail to make
a worthy contribution to the general result. the
Armies must
cast away the idea of
resisting behind concrete lines or natural
obstacles, and must
realize that
mastery can only be regained by furious and
unrelenting assault. And this
spirit
must not only animate the High Command, but must
inspire every fighting man.
In the air
——
often at serious odds,
often at odds hitherto thought overwhelming
——
we have been clawing down
three or four to one of our
enemies
；
and the
relative
balance of the British and
German Air Forces is now considerably more
favorable to us
than at the beginning
of the battle. In cutting down the German bombers,
we are fighting
our own battle as well
as that of France. May confidence in our ability
to fight it out to the
finish with the
German Air Force has been strengthened by the
fierce encounters which
have taken lace
and are taking place. At the same time, our heavy
bombers are striking
nightly at the
tap-root of German mechanized power, and have
already inflicted serious
damage upon
the oil refineries on which the Nazi effort to
dominate the world directly
depends.
We must expect
that as soon as stability is reached on the
Western Front, the bulk of
that hideous
apparatus of aggression which gashed Holland into
ruin and slavery in a few
days will be
turned upon us. I am sure I speak for all when I
say we are ready to face it
；
to
ensure
it
；
and to
retaliate against it
——
to
any extent that the unwritten laws of war
permit. There will be many men and many
women in the Island who when the ordeal
comes upon them, as come it will, will
feel comfort, and even a pride, that they are
sharing
the perils of our lads at the
Front
——
soldiers, sailors
and airmen, God bless them
——
and are
drawing away from them a part at least of the
onslaught they have to bear. Is not
this the appointed time for all to make
the utmost exertions in their
power
？
If the
battle is
to be won, we must provide
our men with ever-increasing quantities of the
weapons and
ammunition they need. We
must have, and have quickly, more aeroplanes, more
tanks,
more shells, more guns. there is
imperious need for these vital munitions. They
increase
our strength against the
powerfully armed enemy. They replace the wastage
of the
obstinate
struggle
；
and the
knowledge that wastage will speedily be replaced
enables us
to draw more readily upon
our reserves and throw them in now that everything
counts so
much.
Our task is not only to win the battle
- but to win the war. After this battle in France
abates its force, there will come the
battle for our Island
——
for
all that Britain is, and all
the
Britain means. That will be the struggle. In that
supreme emergency we shall not
hesitate
to take every step, even the most drastic, to call
forth from our people the last
ounce
and the last inch of effort of which they are
capable. The interests of prope
rty, the
hours of labor, are nothing compared
with the struggle of life and honor, for right and
freedom, to which we have vowed
ourselves.
I
have received from the Chiefs of the French
Republic,and in particular form its
indomitable Prime Minister, M. Reynaud,
the most sacred pledges that whatever happens
they will fight to the end, be it
bitter or be it glorious. Nay, if we fight to the
en
d, it can only
be
glorious.
Having received His Majesty's
commission, I have formed an Administration of men
and women of every Party and of almost
every point of view. We have differed and
quarreled in the
past
；
but now one
bond unites us all
——
to
wage war until victory is won,
and
never to surrender ourselves to servitude and
shame, whatever the cost and the
agony
may be. this is one of the most awe-striking
periods in the long history of France
and Britain. It is also beyond doubt
the most sublime. Side by side, unaided except by
their kith and kin in the great
Dominions and by the wide empires which rest
beneath their
shield - side by side,
the British and French peoples have advanced to
rescue not only
Europe but mankind from
the foulest and most soul-destroying tyranny which
has ever
darkened and stained the pages
of history. Behind them - behind us- behind the
Armies
and Fleets of Britain and France
- gather a group of shattered States and
bludgeoned
races
：
the Czechs, the Poles, the Norwegians,
the Danes, the Dutch, the Belgians - upon
all of whom the long night of barbarism
will descend, unbroken even by a star
of hope,
unless we conquer, as conquer
we must
；
as
conquer we shall.
Today is Trinity Sunday. Centuries ago
words were written to be a call and a spur to
the faithful servants of Truth and
Justice
：
be in readiness for the
conflict
；
for it
is better for us to perish in battle than to look
upon
the outrage of our nation and our
altar. As the Will of God is in Heaven, even so
let it be.
希拉里竞选议员演讲
文章来源：博客英语网
更新时间：
2006-12-15
19:24:27
You
know, you know, we started this great effort on a
sunny July morning in Pinders
Corner on
pat and Liz Monahan's beautiful farm and 62
counties, 16 months, 3 debates, 2
opponents, and 6 black pantsuits later,
because of you, here we are.
You came out and said that
issues and ideals matter. Jobs matter, downstate
and
upstate. Health care matters,
education matters, the environment matters, Social
Security
matters, a woman's right to
choose matters. It all matters and I just want to
say from the
bottom of my heart, thank
you, New York
！
Thank you for opening up
your minds and your hearts, for seeing the
possibility of
what we could do
together for our children and for our future here
in this state and in our
nation. I am
profoundly grateful to all of you for giving me
the chance to serve you.
I will
—
I will do
everything I can to be worthy of your faith and
trust and to honor the
powerful example
of Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. I would like
all of you and the
countless new
Yorkers and Americans watching to join me in
honoring him for his
incredible half
century of service to New York and our nation.
Senator Moynihan, on
behalf of New York
and America, thank you.
I promise you tonight that I will reach
across party lines to bring progress for all of
New York's families. Today we voted as
democrats and republicans. Tomorrow we begin
again as New Yorkers.
And how fortunate we are
indeed to live in the most diverse, dynamic and
beautiful
state in the entire union.
You know, from the south Bronx to the southern
tier, from
Brooklyn to buffalo, from
Montauk to Massena, from the world's tallest
skyscrapers to
breathtaking mountain
ranges, I've met people whose faces and stories I
will never forget.
Thousands of new
Yorkers from all 62 counties welcomed me into you
school, your local
diners, your factory
floors, your living rooms and front porches. You
taught me, you tested
me and you shared
with me your challenges and
concerns
—
about overcrowded
or
crumbling schools, about the
struggle to care for growing children and aging
parents,
about the continuing challenge
of providing equal opportunity for all and about
children
moving away from their home
towns because good jobs are so hard to find in
upstate New
York. Now I've worked on
issues like these for a long time, some of them
for 30 year, and I
am determined to
make a difference for all of you.
You see, I believe our
nation owes every responsible citizen and every
responsible
family the tools that they
need to make the most of their own lives. That's
the basic
bargain. I'll do my best to
honor in the United States Senate.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
上一篇：福建省专升本英语考试必备词汇
下一篇：NAATI口译词汇表 - 法律部分