丘吉尔演讲稿英文版

丘吉尔演讲稿英文版

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丘吉尔演讲稿英文版

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丘吉尔演讲稿英文版

on Friday evening last I received from His majesty the mission to

form a new administration.

上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。

It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this

should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should

include all parties.

按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可

能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。

I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war

cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor,

opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.

我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。

战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，

这体现了举国团结一致。

It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on

account of the extreme urgency and rigor

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of events. other key positions were filled yesterday. I am

submitting a further list to the king tonight. I hope to complete the

appointment of principal ministers during tomorrow.

由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组

成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。

今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。

我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。

The appointment of other ministers usually takes a little longer. I

trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed

and that the administration will be complete in all respects.

其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。

我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完

善。

I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker

that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today''s

proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until may 2l

with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be

notified to m. P. ''s at the earliest opportunity.

为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。

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今天的议程结束时，建议休会到

5

月

21

日，并准备在

必要时提前开会。

有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。

I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the

steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The

resolution:

现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，

启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。

决议如下

:

the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war

with Germany to a victorious conclusion .

“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定

不移的决心

:

对德作战，直到最后胜利。”

To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious

undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the

greatest battles in history. we are in action at any other points-in

Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the mediterranean.

The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here

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at home.

组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任

务。

但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。

我们在其他许多地点作战

--

在挪威，在荷兰 ，我们还必

须在地中海做好准备。

空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。

In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the

House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and

colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political

reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with

which it has been necessary to act.

值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简

略，也当能见谅。

我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧

日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。

I say to the House as I said to ministers who have joined this

government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. we

have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. we have before us

many, many months of struggle and

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suffering.

我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所

能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一

场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。

you ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage(

作

战

) war by land, sea and air. war with all our might and with all

the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous

tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human

crime. That is our policy.

若问我们的政策是什么

?

我的回答是

:

在陆上、海上、

空中作战。

尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对

人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。

这就是我们的政策。

you ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory.

Victory at all costs- victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however

long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.

若问我们的目标是什么

?

我可以用一个词来回答，那就

是胜利。

不惜一 切代价，去夺取胜利

--

不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜

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利

--

不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。

因为没有胜利就不能生存。

Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no

survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for

the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward

toward his goal.

我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜

利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少

< /p>

世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动

:

人类应当向 自己的目标迈进。

I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause

will not be suffered to fail among men.

我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。

我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。

I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of

all and to say,

strength.

在此时此刻的危急关头， 我觉得我有权要求各方面的支

持。

我要说:“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进!”

相关演讲稿

:

马丁路德金英语演讲稿

(1)

martin Luther king Speech - where do we go from here

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Now, in order to answer the question,

which is our theme, we must first honestly recognize where we are now.

when the constitution was written, a strange formula to determine taxes

and representation declared that the Negro was 60 percent of a person.

Today another curious formula seems to declare he is 50 percent of a

person. of the good things in life, the Negro has approximately one half

those of whites. of the bad things of life, he has twice those of whites.

Thus half of all Negroes live in substandard housing. And Negroes have

half the income of whites. when we view the negative experiences of life,

the Negro has a double share. There are twice as many unemployed. The

rate of infant mortality among Negroes is double that of whites and

there are twice as many Negroes dying in Vietnam as whites in proportion

to their size in the population.

In other spheres, the figures are equally alarming. In elementary

schools, Negroes lag one to three years behind whites, and their

segregated schools receive substantially less money per student than the

white schools. one twentieth as many Negroes

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as whites attend college. of employed Negroes, 75 percent hold

menial jobs.

This is where we are. where do we go from here? First, we must

massively assert our dignity and worth. we must stand up amidst a system

that still oppresses us and develop an unassailable and majestic sense

of values. we must no longer be ashamed of being black. The job of

arousing manhood within a people that have been taught for so many

centuries that they are nobody is not easy.

Depiction of Blackness and Negro contributions

Even semantics have conspired to make that which is black seem ugly

and degrading. In Roget's Thesaurus there are 120 synonyms for blackness

and at least 60 of them are offensive, as for example, blot, soot, grim,

devil and foul. And there are some 134 synonyms for whiteness and all

are favorable, expressed in such words as purity, cleanliness, chastity

and innocence. A white lie is better than a black lie. The most

degenerate member of a family is a

suggested that maybe the English language should be reconstructed so

that teachers will not be

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forced to teach the Negro child 60 ways to despise himself, and

thereby perpetuate his false sense of inferiority, and the white child

134 ways to adore himself, and thereby perpetuate his false sense of

superiority.

The tendency to ignore the Negro's contribution to American life and

to strip him of his personhood, is as old as the earliest history hooks

and as contemporary as the morning's newspaper. To upset this cultural

homicide, the Negro must rise up with an affirmation of his own olympian

manhood. Any movement for the Negro's freedom that overlooks this

necessity is only waiting to be buried. As long as the mind is enslaved,

the body can never be free. Psychological freedom, a firm sense of self-

esteem, is the most powerful weapon against the long night of physical

slavery. No Lincolnian Emancipation Proclamation or johnsonian civil

Rights Bill can totally bring this kind of freedom. The Negro will only

be free when he reaches down to the inner depths of his own being and