-
Research Proposal:-
‘
What Roles Do Non-State
Actors Play in the Provision of Security in
Ghana?
’.
Research Aim
In
a
lot
of
developing
countries,
including
Ghana,
due
to
inability
or
unwillingness,
formal
state
security
systems
are
unable
to
meet
the
security
needs
of
a
majority
of
citizens, particularly the poor.
Consequently, a lot of these poor people depend on
non-
state actors for their security
needs, with both positive and negative effects.
The aim of
this study is therefore to
investigate the role that non-state actors play in
the provision of
security
in
Ghana,
and
thus
help
contribute
to
thinking
on
security
provision
in
the
country.
Background
Security is an important condition for
development, and states have traditionally
provided
it to citizens. However, an
increasing phenomenon is the provision of security
functions
by private actors to states,
private organizations and individuals. Security
privatisation is,
however, not a new
phenomenon; it dates back to the early Greek, and
Roman armies.
1
Contemporary
private
security
has
two
broad
forms,
one
formalized
and
consisting
of
individuals
and
organizations
structured
along
corporate
lines
and
providing
services
independent
of
the
state.
2
The
second
form
consists
of
non-
state
actors
who
provide
security, usually to
the poor and marginalized in developing countries
who are unable to
procure
the
services
of
commercial
security.
They
include
individual
security
provisioning, neighborhood watch
committees and vigilantes among others.
The state- non-state
taxonomy is preferred to the formal-informal
taxonomy common in
discourses on
private security. This is because some non-state
security arrangements are
quite formal
in organization; they are not ad hoc in
character.
3
Much of the
literature on
security
privatization
in
Africa
has
tended
to
focus
on
the
activities
of
private
military
and commercial private security
companies, with little on the non-commercial, non-
state
1
2
Holmqvist
(2005)
Gumedze (2007)
3
Ibeanu and Momoh (2008)
1
private
actors.
Yet,
in
many
developing
countries,
these
systems
are
the
primary
providers of justice
and security to the poor.
The
existence
of
numerous
non-state
security
and
justice
systems
in
most
of
the
developing
world
suggests that formal
systems
are inaccessible to
majority of ordinary
people,
or
where
they
are
accessible,
they
are
not
effective
at
delivering
security
and
justice
for
various
reasons.
Some
reasons
attributed
to
the
increasing
use
of
private
security, include
the impact of globalization and the inability or
unwillingness of some of
these states,
to provide security as a public good. In the
broadest sense, security in much
of
Africa is about protection against local crime and
of personal security, protection of
land
and
property,
access
to
justice
and
resolution
of
community
disputes
4
.
In
many
developing countries however, the lack
of effective public security, and the use of
private
commercial
security
by
those
who
can
afford
it,
means
that
crime
and
insecurity
invariably shift to poor locales. Also,
most of the public and private security
institutions
in
the
developing
world
are
urban
focused,
whilst
a
majority
of
the
poor
live
in
rural
areas
and
are
thus
excluded
from
the
benefits
of
policing.
Thus,
poor
people
tend
to
gravitate
toward non-state systems
of security
and justice
because they
find the formal
systems
expensive, slow and difficult to access, with
police and prosecutors often biased
towards
powerful
elite
interests.
They
are
thus
forced
to
depend
on
community
based
arrangements informal
and non-state security systems that usually do not
have any links
to
the
state.
Where
links
exist,
they
have
been
state-
sponsored
arrangements
like
the
Hisbah
in
Kano.
5
Overall,
state
actors
tend
to
be
more
hostile
to
informal
security
systems than they are to informal
justice systems, perceiving the former as
undermining
the monopoly of the use of
force by the state.
Poor
people,
particularly
in
urban
locales,
often
live
on
the
margins
of
‘illegality’
in
society
in
terms
of
illegal
acquisition
of
housing,
non-payment
of
taxation,
etc.
Consequently, they are unable or
unwilling to approach formal state institutions to
seek
security and justice to avoid
drawing attention to themselves. They therefore
tend to rely
4
DFID (2004)
5
Ibeanu & Momoh (2008)
2
on
informal
systems.
In
Alexandria,
Egypt
for
instance,
about
68%
of
the
city’s
population live in
squatter settlements built informally in violation
of building regulations.
This makes
squatters vulnerable to police action and
exploitation.
6
Yet, whether
living in
‘illegality’ or not, these
people have security and justice needs
too, and would thus resort
to
systems that, though
not
formally
recognized, provide
these services.
These systems
however are not all without their own
flaws, they are sometimes plagued by local power
imbalances,
and
when
this
is
the
case,
some
poor
people
do
not
seek
redress
there,
resulting in disputes
sometimes escalating into
violence.
7
There is
therefore the need to
examine
the
impacts
of
these
other
systems
on
security,
justice
and
socio-economic
development, especially in the
developing world.
Case
Study
Ghana is a relatively peaceful
country in a turbulent West African sub-region. In
recent
years however, there has been an
increase in the activities of non-state security
groups,
due
in
part
to
ineffectiveness
of
the
formal
state
system,
especially
the
police,
and
an
increasing crime rate.
This has led ordinary people to seek justice and
security from non-
state
actors.
Whilst
the
wealthy
are
able
to
afford
the
services
of
commercial
private
security companies, the poor and
marginalized who form a majority of the
population, are
forced to seek security
outside these systems. This has an effect on
poverty, inequality
and the socio-
economic development of these communities. These
alternative systems are
largely
recognized as legitimate actors in these
communities, even if they do not always
provide equitable access or demonstrate
respect for the rights of all community members.
This has led to two parallel security
systems operating under the facade of a collective
governance
arrangement
–
the
state
system,
which
largely
caters
to
the
needs
and
interests
of
the
elite
and
its
network
of
cronies;
and
an
informal
sector,
where
those
without
access
to
the
state
structures
retreat.
There
is
thus
the
need
for
a
closer
examination
of
this
development,
instead
of
relegating
much
of
these
activities
(particularly
those dealing with security and safety) to the
realm of criminality.
6
Anderson (2003)
7
World Bank (2004)
3
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
上一篇:美国文学史复习要点整理【手动】
下一篇:现代大学英语精读三unit1教案