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罗斯福就职演讲稿【英文版】
President Hoover, Mr. Chief
Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national
consecration. And I am certain
that
on
this
day
my
fellow
Americans
expect
that
on
my
induction
into
the
Presidency,
I
will
address
them
with
a
candor
and
a
decision
which
the
present
situation
of
our
people impels.
This
is
preeminently
the
time
to
speak
the
truth,
the
whole
truth,
frankly
and
boldly.
Nor
need
we
shrink
from
honestly
facing
conditions
in
our
country
today.
This
great
1
Nation
will
endure,
as
it
has
endured,
will
revive
and
will
prosper.
So, first of all, let me
assert my firm belief that the only
thing we have to fear is fear itself
-- nameless, unreasoning,
unjustified
terror
which
paralyzes
needed
efforts
to
convert
retreat into
advance. In every dark hour of our national life,
a
leadership
of
frankness
and
of
vigor
has
met
with
that
understanding and support of the people
themselves which is
essential
to
victory.
And
I
am
convinced
that
you
will
again
give that support to
leadership in these critical days.
In
such
a
spirit
on
my
part
and
on
yours
we
face
our
common
difficulties.
They
concern,
thank
God,
only
material
things. Values have
shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen;
our ability to pay has fallen;
government of all kinds is faced by
serious
curtailment
of
income;
the
means
of
exchange
are
frozen in the currents
of trade; the withered leaves of industrial
enterprise lie on every side; farmers
find no markets for their
produce;
and
the
savings
of
many
years
in
thousands
of
2
families
are
gone.
More
important,
a
host
of
unemployed
citizens
face
the
grim
problem
of
existence,
and
an
equally
great number toil
with little return. Only a foolish optimist can
deny the dark realities of the moment.
And
yet our distress comes from no failure of
substance.
We are stricken by no plague
of locusts. Compared with the
perils
which our forefathers conquered, because they
believed
and
were
not
afraid,
we
have
still
much
to
be
thankful
for.
Nature
still
offers
her
bounty
and
human
efforts
have
multiplied it. Plenty
is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it
languishes in the very sight of the
supply.
Primarily,
this
is
because
the
rulers
of
the
exchange
of
mankind s goods have failed, through
their own stubbornness
and their own
incompetence, have admitted their failure, and
have
abdicated.
Practices
of
the
unscrupulous
money
changers
stand
indicted
in
the
court
of
public
opinion,
rejected by the
hearts and minds of men.
3
True, they have tried. But their
efforts have been cast in
the pattern
of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of
credit,
they have proposed only the
lending of more money. Stripped
of the
lure of profit by which to induce our people to
follow
their
false
leadership,
they
have
resorted
to
exhortations,
pleading
tearfully for restored confidence. They only know
the
rules of a generation of self-
seekers. They have no vision, and
when
there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money
changers have fled from their high seats
in
the
temple
of
our
civilization.
We
may
now
restore
that
temple to the ancient
truths. The measure of that restoration
lies in the extent to which we apply
social values more noble
than mere
monetary profit.
Happiness lies not
in
the mere possession
of
money;
it
lies
in
the
joy
of
achievement,
in
the
thrill
of
creative
effort.
The
joy,
the
moral
stimulation
of
work
no
longer
must
be
forgotten in the mad chase of
evanescent profits. These dark
4
days, my friends, will be
worth all they cost us if they teach us
that
our
true
destiny
is
not
to
be
ministered
unto
but
to
minister to ourselves, to our fellow
men.
Recognition
of
that
falsity
of
material
wealth
as
the
standard
of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment
of the false belief that public office
and high political position
are to be
valued only by the standards of pride of place and
personal
profit;
and
there
must
be
an
end
to
a
conduct
in
banking and in business
which too often has given to a sacred
trust
the
likeness
of
callous
and
selfish
wrongdoing.
Small
wonder
that
confidence
languishes,
for
it
thrives
only
on
honesty,
on
honor,
on
the
sacredness
of
obligations,
on
faithful
protection,
and
on
unselfish
performance;
without
them it cannot live.
Restoration
calls,
however,
not
for
changes
in
ethics
alone.
This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
5
Our greatest primary task
is to put people to work. This is
no
unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and
courageously. It
can
be
accomplished
in
part
by
direct
recruiting
by
the
Government
itself,
treating
the
task
as
we
would
treat
the
emergency
of
a
war,
but
at
the
same
time,
through
this
employment, accomplishing great --
greatly needed projects
to
stimulate
and
reorganize
the
use
of
our
great
natural
resources.
Hand
in
hand
with
that
we
must
frankly
recognize
the
overbalance
of
population
in
our
industrial
centers
and,
by
engaging
on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor
to
provide a better use of the land for
those best fitted for the
land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite
efforts to raise the
values
of
agricultural
products,
and
with
this
the
power
to
purchase
the
output
of
our
cities.
It
can
be
helped
by
preventing
realistically
the
tragedy
of
the
growing
loss
through foreclosure of our small homes
and our farms. It can
6
be
helped
by
insistence
that
the
Federal,
the
State,
and
the
local governments act forthwith on the
demand that their cost
be
drastically
reduced.
It
can
be
helped
by
the
unifying
of
relief activities which today are often
scattered, uneconomical,
unequal.
It
can
be
helped
by
national
planning
for
and
supervision
of
all
forms
of
transportation
and
of
communications
and
other
utilities
that
have
a
definitely
public
character.
There
are
many
ways
in
which
it
can
be
helped, but it can never be helped by
merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act
quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a
resumption of work,
we require two
safeguards against a return of the evils of the
old order. There must be a strict
supervision of all banking and
credits
and investments. There must be an end to
speculation
with other people s money.
And there must be provision for an
adequate but sound currency.
7
These, my friends, are the
lines of attack. I shall presently
urge
upon
a
new
Congress
in
special
session
detailed
measures for their
fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate
assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we
address ourselves to
putting our own
national house in order and making income
balance outgo. Our international trade
relations, though vastly
important, are
in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the
establishment
of
a
sound
national
economy.
I
favor,
as
a
practical
policy, the putting of first things first. I shall
spare no
effort
to
restore
world
trade
by
international
economic
readjustment; but the emergency at home
cannot wait on that
accomplishment.
The
basic
thought
that
guides
these
specific
means
of
national recovery is not nationally --
narrowly nationalistic. It is
the
insistence,
as
a
first
consideration,
upon
the
interdependence of the various elements
in and parts of the
United
States
of
America
--
a
recognition
of
the
old
and
8
permanently important manifestation of
the American spirit of
the pioneer. It
is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way.
It
is the strongest assurance that
recovery will endure.
In the field of world
policy, I would dedicate this Nation
to
the
policy
of
the
good
neighbor:
the
neighbor
who
resolutely respects himself and,
because he does so, respects
the rights
of others; the neighbor who respects his
obligations
and
respects
the
sanctity
of
his
agreements
in
and
with
a
world of neighbors.
If
I
read
the
temper
of
our
people
correctly,
we
now
realize, as we have never realized
before, our interdependence
on each
other; that we can not merely take, but we must
give
as well; that if we are to go
forward, we must move as a trained
and
loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a
common
discipline, because without such
discipline no progress can be
made, no
leadership becomes effective.
9
We are, I know, ready and willing to
submit our lives and
our
property
to
such
discipline,
because
it
makes
possible
a
leadership
which
aims
at
the
larger
good.
This,
I
propose
to
offer, pledging that the
larger purposes will bind upon us, bind
upon us all as a sacred obligation with
a unity of duty hitherto
evoked only in
times of armed strife.
With
this
pledge
taken,
I
assume
unhesitatingly
the
leadership
of
this
great
army
of
our
people
dedicated
to
a
disciplined attack upon our common
problems.
Action in this image, action to this
end is feasible under
the
form
of
government
which
we
have
inherited
from
our
ancestors. Our Constitution is so
simple, so practical that it is
possible
always
to
meet
extraordinary
needs
by
changes
in
emphasis
and
arrangement
without
loss
of
essential
form.
That
is
why
our
constitutional
system
has
proved
itself
the
most
superbly
enduring
political
mechanism
the
modern
world has ever seen.
10