provisions关于消费者行为学的一些英文译文及原文.

< br>过他们与协会舒适的感觉。伊扎德（

1977

）发展了情 感体验的方法，介绍了基本的

情感。他用十措词来区分情绪基本种类：兴趣，喜悦，惊讶 ，悲伤，愤怒，厌恶，

蔑视，恐惧，羞耻和内疚。这种方法已被广泛使用的消费者研究。

为了实施人际和个人建构在这个框架中，我们用可自我意识的 概念来表示消费

者的反应对社会的影响。自我意识被定义为个人的一贯的趋势来直接关注 向内或向

外。这个理论识别了自我意识的两种不同类型的人。公开的自我意识的人特别注 重

其他人对他们的外面的看法，私人自我意识的人更加注重他们内心的想法和感受。

在这种情况下，我们假设消费的名誉可能会不同根据对其他人的敏感度。这种提议

< br>敏感度。

杜布瓦和迪凯纳强调说，

“我们相信对消费者和 品牌两者之间的直接关系的

分析一种提高理解这样一种市场的钥匙。

”

这种原始的假设是那种私人的或公开的卓

越产品的价值来 自于这些物件的固有的交际状况。很多存在的研究强调的是对于所

扮演的角色地位，在信息交流的关于他们的拥有者和社会关系。

英文文献原文：

Frontiers of Social Psychology

Arie W. Kruglanski

、

Joseph P. Forgas

Frontiers of Social Psychology

is a new series of domain-specific handbooks. The

purpose of each volume is to provide readers with a cutting-edge overview of the

most recent theoretical, methodological, and practical developments in a substantive area

of

social

psychology,

in

greater

depth

than

is

possible

in

general

social

psychology

handbooks. The editors and contributors are all internationally renowned

scholars whose work is at the cutting-edge of research.

Scholarly, yet accessible, the volumes in the

Frontiers

series are an essential resource

for senior undergraduates, postgraduates, researchers, and practitioners, and are suitable

as texts in advanced courses in specific subareas of social psychology.

Some Social Asp ects of Living in a Consumer Society

The

following

sketches

will

illustrate

that

in

a

consumer

society

much

of

the

behavior

studied by social psychologists relates to consumer stimuli and consumer behavior. Thus,

the

consumer

context

provides

a

rich

field

for

the

study

of

social

phenomena

and

behavior.

Consumer Decisions Are Ubiquitous

Whether we are in the supermarket or not, we are constantly making consumer decisions.

We

enroll

in

gyms,

use

our

frequent- flyer

miles

for

a

vacation

resort,

buy

health

care,

choose

a

restaurant,

skip

dessert

for

a

healthier

lifestyle.

In

fact,

most

of

our

daily

decisions do not involve existential decisions such as whom to marry or whether to have

children or not, but whether to have tea or coffee, use our credit card or pay cash, or other

seemingly

trivial

decisions.

Moreover,

many

of

our

daily

(consumer)

behaviors

do

not

even

require

intentional

decisions.

Rather,

they

may

be

habitual,

such

as

switching

to

CNN to get the news or accessing Google when looking up some information. A typical

day

of

a

typical

person

is

filled

with

countless

minor

consumer

decisions

or

the

consequences of previous decisions, starting with the brand of toothpaste in the morning

to choosing a movie after work.

Consumer Choices Fulfill a Social-Identity Function

Although for most people being a consumer may not be central to their identity, many of

their

consumer

decisions

are

nevertheless

highly

identity-relevant

insofar

as

they

correspond to a larger set of values and beliefs and express important aspects of the self.

Eating

a

vegetarian

diet

because

one

does

not

want

to

endorse

cruelty

to

animals

and

boycotting clothes potentially made by child laborers are some examples. Some people

buy

a

Prius

out

of

environmental

concerns;

others

boycott

Japanese

cars

—

such

as

the

Prius

—

in

order to

help

the local car industry.

In this respect,

even the choice between

Coke

and

Pepsi

is

not

necessarily

trivial.

People

who

cannot

discriminate

Coke

from

Pepsi in a blind test, or who prefer Pepsi, may nevertheless adhere to Coke as a cultural

icon. Attempts to

change the formula of Coke

met with

angry protests

and opposition.

Clearly,

consumer

products

and

brands

do

not

only

fulfill

utilitarian

needs

(Olson

&

Mayo, 2000; Shavitt, 1990). In a world of oversupply and differentiating brands, many

consumers choose brands in order to express their personality or to affiliate themselves

with desired others. They do not simply

use

a Mac; they

are

Mac users, and switching to

another brand of PC would be akin to treason. From soft drinks to computers, brands may

become

an

ideology.

People

may

also

perceive

of

products

as

extended

selves

(Belk,

1988); for example, they may identify with their cars just as they do with pets. Likewise,

brands may define social groups. The Harley-Davidson Club is a legendary example; an

Internet search revealed clubs for almost every car brand and model. In my hometown, I

found

a

Volkswagen

New

Beetle

Club

whose

stated

purpose

is

to

cultivate

contacts

between New Beetle Drivers by organizing social events (among others, a visit to a car

cemetery). On the road, drivers of the same car model often greet each other. Apparently,

driving the same model is sufficient to establish social closeness. Brands, products, and

consumption habits not only help to establish social connectivity but also serve as status

symbols, defining vertical and horizontal social boundaries. By using particular brands or

consuming specific products, people can express a certain lifestyle or attempt to convey a

particular social impression. Subscribing to the opera conveys one’s social position just

as

going

to

a

monster

truck

race

does.

Whether

your

choice

of

drink

is

wine

or

beer,

cappuccino or herbal tea, your order expresses more than merely your taste in beverages.

Consumer Choices Affect Social Perception