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1
再创中国经济奇迹
Whichever way one looks at it, April
really was the cruelest month for
China
’
s economy.
Industrial
production,
investment and retail spending
were all much
weaker
than
expected.
With trade data also showing a sharp
deceleration, it is no surprise that
China
’
s premier,
Wen Jiabao, has pledged that his
government will do more to revive growth.
无论人们怎么看,
4
月都是中国经济最惨的一个月。工业产值、投资和零售支出都远远弱于预期。
鉴
于贸易数据也出现急剧减速,难怪中国总理温家宝承诺,他领导的政府将采取更多行动,力求恢
< br>复增长。
Optimists say there is no obvious
reason to worry about
China
’
s economy. According
to the
official
statistics,
in
the
first
quarter
of
2012
the
economy
expanded
8.1
per
cent.
While
marking
a
slowdown
compared
with
the
end
of
2011,
such
figures
are
the
envy
of
almost
every
other country in the
world.
2
乐观人士称,
没
有明显理由为中国经济忧心。
官方数据显示,
2012
年首季中国经济同比增长
8.1%
。
尽管这与
2011
年末季相比有所放缓,但这样的
数据仍足以让世界上其他几乎所有国家艳羡。
The
problem
is
that
analysts
are
finding
it
increasingly
hard
to
take
official
growth
figures
seriously. China has a history of
manipulating statistics for political reasons and,
as
the economy slows down, the
temptation to conceal the truth could grow even
bigger. This
is of course self-
defeating. Obfuscating data is never a good way to
build confidence in
an economy,
whatever its growth rates.
3
问题在于,分析师们正发现,他们越来越难以认真对待官方的增长数据了。中国在出于政治原因
操纵统计数据方面是有过往记录的,而随着经济放缓,掩盖真相的诱惑力可能变得更大。这种做法
p>
当然是弄巧成拙的。在数据上遮遮盖盖,从来就不是构建各方对某个经济体信心的上策,无论
其增
长率是多少。
What
Beijing
should
do
instead
is
to
find
ways
to
reinvigorate
its
economy.
To
some
extent,
it is already doing
so. Over the past fortnight it has reduced the
amount of cash banks
must hold as
reserves. It also unveiled subsidies for the
purchase of energy-saving white
goods.
4
北京方面真正需要做的,是找到重振中国经济的途径。在
一定程度上,它已经在这么做了。过去
两周内,中国官方降低了银行存款准备金率,还公
布了鼓励购置节能型白色家电的补贴政策。
These measures are unlikely to have a
huge impact. And while the government has said it
will do more, there is no reason to
believe Beijing will embark on a monetary stimulus
comparable to the one unleashed in
2008. As China is still struggling to contain the
long-term impact of that credit frenzy,
this would be a wise decision.
5
这些措施不太可能产生巨大影响。而且尽管中国政府已表示将采取更多行动,但人们没有理由相 p>
信,它将像
2008
年时那样,出台又一套
巨额货币刺激方案。由于中国仍在艰难遏制那一波信贷狂潮
的长期影响,这将是一个明智
的决定。
In
order
to
stimulate
growth
that
is
sustainable,
the
government
should
encourage
consumer
spending
–
cutting
taxes
or increasing
the size of its welfare
safety net.
This could also
help
China
rebalance
its
economy.
While
the
weight
of
investment
on
national
income
is
slowly
decreasing, it remains too high.
6
要刺激可持续的经济增长,
中国
政府应当鼓励消费者支出,
具体手段包括减税和扩大社保安全网。
这还可能帮助中国实现经济的再平衡。在中国的国民收入中,尽管投资所占比重正在缓慢下降,但
目前水平仍太高。
Another move would be to reform the
banking sector so that credit flows to small and
medium-sized enterprises. As we report
in our analysis today, too many bank loans go to
large, politically connected
enterprises. Pilot projects such as the one
conducted in
Wenzhou should pave the
way for larger-scale reform.
7
另一个举措将是改革银行业,使信贷流向中小企业。正如本报在今日的分析文章中所报道的,中
国仍有太多银行贷款流向那些有政治后台的大企业。在温州开展的那种试点项目,应当为更大规模
的改革铺平道路。
This
year
’
s
slowdown
could
be
a
seed
for
future
troubles
or
a
platform
for
greater
successes.
It will be up to
Mr Jiabao and his successor to decide which is the
case.
8
中国经济今年放缓,可能是未来麻烦的种子
,也可能是更大成功的跳板。结果如何,要看温家宝
和他
201
2
年
05
月
2
1
日
06:48 AM
2012
年
05
月
p>
21
日
06:48 AM
9
希腊退出欧元区的后果
The irritation of the eurozone with
Greece is at extreme levels. After all, 80 per
cent
of Greeks say they are in favour
of staying in the euro, but then they fail to
elect
politicians prepared to implement
the agreed programme. This drives creditors crazy.
Increasingly,
the
latter
are
inclined
to
accept
Greek
exit,
even
welcome
it.
But
they
should
be
careful what they wish for.
欧元区对希腊的不满已经到达顶点。毕竟,虽然有
80%
的希
腊人声称支持希腊留在欧元区,但他们
在选举时却没有把票投给那些打算贯彻商定计划的
政治人士。债权人快被逼疯了。他们越来越倾向
于接受希腊退出欧元区,甚至乐见希腊退
出。但这种愿望究竟意味着什么,债权人要仔细想明白。
A departure would create severe
dangers. The danger of contagion is obvious. The
long-run
danger is more subtle. But the
eurozone either is an irrevocable currency union
or it is
not. If countries in
difficulty leave, it is not. It is then an
exceptionally rigid
fixed-currency
system. That would have two dire results: people
would not trust in its
survival and the
economic benefits of the single currency would
largely disappear.
10
希腊退出欧
元区会带来严重的风险。危机蔓延的风险是显而易见的。更长期的风险则不那么容
易看穿
。不过,欧元区要么是一个不可撤消的货币联盟,要么就不是。如果身处困境的国家退出,
那么欧元区就不是一个不可撤消的货币联盟,而是一个特别严格的固定汇率体系。如此一来将带来
两个可怕的后果:人们会对欧元区的存续失去信心,单一货币的经济好处在很大程度上会消失。
These
perils
are
not
of
concern
to
the
eurozone
alone.
Taken
as
a
whole,
this
is
the
world
’
s
second-largest economy, with the
largest banking system. The risk that a bigger
eurozone
upheaval
would
cause
a
global
crisis
is
real.
As
frightening
is
the
likelihood
that
eurozone
crises would become permanent features
of the world economy.
11
这些
风险威胁的不只是欧元区。作为一个整体,欧元区是世界第二大经济体,而且有着世界最
大的银行体系。如果欧元区出现更大的动荡,将导致一场全球性危机,这是一种现实的风险。同样
可怕的是,欧元区危机有可能对世界经济造成长期困扰。
What, then, are the
dangers?
12
那么,到底存在哪些风险?
Start with Greece. It is in a doom
loop. Unemployment soared from 7 per cent of the
labour
force in May 2008 to 22 per cent
in January 2012, while the unemployment rate of
people
aged under 25 jumped from 21 per
cent to 51 per cent. Worse, despite fiscal
austerity and
debt restructuring,
the
International Monetary
Fund estimates that gross public
debt
will
be
160
per
cent
of
gross
domestic
product
in
2013,
50
percentage
points
higher than
in
2008.
Moreover,
the
IMF
forecasts
that
the
current
account
deficit
–
the
balance
of
trade
on
goods
and
services
–
will be more than
7 per cent of GDP this year.
13
先说希腊。这个国家陷入了厄运循环。失业率从
2008
< br>年
5
月的
7%
< br>飙升至
2012
年
1
月的
22%
,同期,
25
岁以下人群失业率从
21%
飙升至
p>
51%
。更糟的是,尽管希腊施行了财政紧缩、进行了债务重组,但
国际货币基金组织
(IMF)
仍估计,
该国公共债务总额与国内生产总值
(GDP)
< br>之比在
2013
年将达到
160
%
,
比
2008
年高出
50
个百分点。
IMF
还预测,
今年希腊的经常账户赤字
(商品和服
务贸易余额)
将达到
GDP
的
7%
以上。
Thus, the economy will be uncompetitive
and depressed for years, if not decades. Not
surprisingly,
a
dysfunctional
Greek
polity
has
collapsed.
Politicians
who
believe
they
can
obtain better terms are
edging closer to power. This, in turn, creates a
big potential
dilemma for
Athens
’
outside supporters:
either give Greece more money to alleviate pain,
or stick to the programme and risk its
collapse.
14
因此,
希腊经济缺乏竞争力且萎靡不振的局面将持续数年乃至数十年。
运转失灵的希腊政体已
经崩溃,这并不出人意料。那些认为自己能为希腊争取到更优厚条款的政客距掌权越来越
近。这种
局面反过来又使希腊的外部支持者陷入一种潜在的、严峻的两难境地:要么就给
希腊更多的钱,减
轻它的痛苦;要么就冒希腊发生崩溃的风险,坚守原计划。
So what might a
collapse entail?
那么,希腊崩溃可能带来怎样的后果?
As
explained
earlier
in
this
series,
a
cessation
of
external
official
funding
could
trigger
a
disorderly
collapse.
The
government
would
default.
The
European
Central
Bank
would
argue
that
Greek banks no longer possess good collateral,
which would prevent it from operating
as a lender of last resort. There would
be comprehensive bank runs. Athens would impose
exchange controls, introduce a new
currency, redenominate domestic contracts and
default
on external contracts
denominated in euros.
15
如本
系列之前的文章解释过的,如果外部停止提供官方援助资金,希腊可能陷入无序崩溃。希
腊政府将会违约。欧洲央行
(ECB)
会主张,由于希腊银行不
再拥有可靠的抵押品,因此它无法再扮演
最后贷款人的角色。这会引发全面的挤兑。希腊
政府将实施外汇管制、发行新本币、将国内合同的
计价货币改为新本币,并对以欧元计价
的国外合同违约。
This
would
be
chaos.
Unpaid
police
officers
and
soldiers
are
unlikely
to
keep
order.
Looting
and rioting could occur. A coup or
civil war would be conceivable. Any new currency
would
depreciate and inflation would
soar.
16
这将引发动荡。拿不到工资的警员和士
兵不太可能出来维持秩序。希腊可能出现抢劫和骚乱,
政变或内战也并非天方夜谭。新发
行的任何本币都会贬值,通胀将会飙升。
In the medium run, however, order might
be restored. Assume Greece managed to bring its
fiscal deficit under control, which is
not inconceivable, since the IMF forecasts its
primary
fiscal
deficit
(before
interest)
at
1
per
cent
of
GDP
this
year.
Assume
its
exporters
were able to
retain access to the European Union market. Then,
as Arvind Subramanian of
the
Washington-based Peterson Institute for
International Economics argues, Greece might
enjoy a strong (though probably
temporary) boom.
17
但从中期来看
,希腊的秩序也许能得到恢复,只要它满足以下两个条件:将财政赤字降至可控
水平(考
虑到
IMF
预测希腊今年的息前基本财政赤字为
GDP
的
1%
,这一点并非不
可能实现);出口商
重新打入欧盟
(EU)
市场。
秩序得到恢复后,
如彼得森国际经济研究所
(PIIE)
高级研究员阿文德
?
萨勃
拉曼尼亚
(Arvind Subramani
an)
所说的,希腊经济可能出现强劲增长(尽管这个增长很可能是暂时
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