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2021-01-28 10:45
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troops-混迹

2021年1月28日发(作者:possessions)


1


再创中国经济奇迹



Whichever way one looks at it, April really was the cruelest month for China



s economy.


Industrial


production,


investment and retail spending


were all much


weaker


than


expected.


With trade data also showing a sharp deceleration, it is no surprise that China



s premier,


Wen Jiabao, has pledged that his government will do more to revive growth.



无论人们怎么看,


4


月都是中国经济最惨的一个月。工业产值、投资和零售支出都远远弱于预期。


鉴 于贸易数据也出现急剧减速,难怪中国总理温家宝承诺,他领导的政府将采取更多行动,力求恢

< br>复增长。




Optimists say there is no obvious reason to worry about China



s economy. According to the


official


statistics,


in


the


first


quarter


of


2012


the


economy


expanded


8.1


per


cent.


While


marking


a


slowdown


compared


with


the


end


of


2011,


such


figures


are


the


envy


of


almost


every


other country in the world.


2


乐观人士称,


没 有明显理由为中国经济忧心。


官方数据显示,


2012


年首季中国经济同比增长


8.1%


< p>
尽管这与


2011


年末季相比有所放缓,但这样的 数据仍足以让世界上其他几乎所有国家艳羡。




The


problem


is


that


analysts


are


finding


it


increasingly


hard


to


take


official


growth


figures


seriously. China has a history of manipulating statistics for political reasons and, as


the economy slows down, the temptation to conceal the truth could grow even bigger. This


is of course self- defeating. Obfuscating data is never a good way to build confidence in


an economy, whatever its growth rates.


3

问题在于,分析师们正发现,他们越来越难以认真对待官方的增长数据了。中国在出于政治原因


操纵统计数据方面是有过往记录的,而随着经济放缓,掩盖真相的诱惑力可能变得更大。这种做法


当然是弄巧成拙的。在数据上遮遮盖盖,从来就不是构建各方对某个经济体信心的上策,无论 其增


长率是多少。




What


Beijing


should


do


instead


is


to


find


ways


to


reinvigorate


its


economy.


To


some


extent,


it is already doing so. Over the past fortnight it has reduced the amount of cash banks


must hold as reserves. It also unveiled subsidies for the purchase of energy-saving white


goods.


4


北京方面真正需要做的,是找到重振中国经济的途径。在 一定程度上,它已经在这么做了。过去


两周内,中国官方降低了银行存款准备金率,还公 布了鼓励购置节能型白色家电的补贴政策。




These measures are unlikely to have a huge impact. And while the government has said it


will do more, there is no reason to believe Beijing will embark on a monetary stimulus


comparable to the one unleashed in 2008. As China is still struggling to contain the


long-term impact of that credit frenzy, this would be a wise decision.


5

< p>
这些措施不太可能产生巨大影响。而且尽管中国政府已表示将采取更多行动,但人们没有理由相


信,它将像


2008


年时那样,出台又一套 巨额货币刺激方案。由于中国仍在艰难遏制那一波信贷狂潮


的长期影响,这将是一个明智 的决定。




In


order


to


stimulate


growth


that


is


sustainable,


the


government


should


encourage


consumer


spending



cutting


taxes


or increasing the size of its welfare


safety net.


This could also


help


China


rebalance


its


economy.


While


the


weight


of


investment


on


national


income


is


slowly


decreasing, it remains too high.


6


要刺激可持续的经济增长,


中国 政府应当鼓励消费者支出,


具体手段包括减税和扩大社保安全网。


这还可能帮助中国实现经济的再平衡。在中国的国民收入中,尽管投资所占比重正在缓慢下降,但


目前水平仍太高。




Another move would be to reform the banking sector so that credit flows to small and


medium-sized enterprises. As we report in our analysis today, too many bank loans go to


large, politically connected enterprises. Pilot projects such as the one conducted in


Wenzhou should pave the way for larger-scale reform.


7


另一个举措将是改革银行业,使信贷流向中小企业。正如本报在今日的分析文章中所报道的,中


国仍有太多银行贷款流向那些有政治后台的大企业。在温州开展的那种试点项目,应当为更大规模


的改革铺平道路。




This


year



s


slowdown


could


be


a


seed


for


future


troubles


or


a


platform


for


greater


successes.


It will be up to Mr Jiabao and his successor to decide which is the case.


8


中国经济今年放缓,可能是未来麻烦的种子 ,也可能是更大成功的跳板。结果如何,要看温家宝


和他


201 2



05



2 1



06:48 AM



2012



05



21



06:48 AM


9


希腊退出欧元区的后果



The irritation of the eurozone with Greece is at extreme levels. After all, 80 per cent


of Greeks say they are in favour of staying in the euro, but then they fail to elect


politicians prepared to implement the agreed programme. This drives creditors crazy.


Increasingly,


the


latter


are


inclined


to


accept


Greek


exit,


even


welcome


it.


But


they


should


be careful what they wish for.



欧元区对希腊的不满已经到达顶点。毕竟,虽然有


80%


的希 腊人声称支持希腊留在欧元区,但他们


在选举时却没有把票投给那些打算贯彻商定计划的 政治人士。债权人快被逼疯了。他们越来越倾向


于接受希腊退出欧元区,甚至乐见希腊退 出。但这种愿望究竟意味着什么,债权人要仔细想明白。




A departure would create severe dangers. The danger of contagion is obvious. The long-run


danger is more subtle. But the eurozone either is an irrevocable currency union or it is


not. If countries in difficulty leave, it is not. It is then an exceptionally rigid


fixed-currency system. That would have two dire results: people would not trust in its


survival and the economic benefits of the single currency would largely disappear.


10


希腊退出欧 元区会带来严重的风险。危机蔓延的风险是显而易见的。更长期的风险则不那么容


易看穿 。不过,欧元区要么是一个不可撤消的货币联盟,要么就不是。如果身处困境的国家退出,


那么欧元区就不是一个不可撤消的货币联盟,而是一个特别严格的固定汇率体系。如此一来将带来


两个可怕的后果:人们会对欧元区的存续失去信心,单一货币的经济好处在很大程度上会消失。




These


perils


are


not


of


concern


to


the


eurozone


alone.


Taken


as


a


whole,


this


is


the


world



s


second-largest economy, with the largest banking system. The risk that a bigger eurozone


upheaval


would


cause


a


global


crisis


is


real.


As


frightening


is


the


likelihood


that


eurozone


crises would become permanent features of the world economy.


11


这些 风险威胁的不只是欧元区。作为一个整体,欧元区是世界第二大经济体,而且有着世界最


大的银行体系。如果欧元区出现更大的动荡,将导致一场全球性危机,这是一种现实的风险。同样


可怕的是,欧元区危机有可能对世界经济造成长期困扰。




What, then, are the dangers?


12


那么,到底存在哪些风险?




Start with Greece. It is in a doom loop. Unemployment soared from 7 per cent of the labour


force in May 2008 to 22 per cent in January 2012, while the unemployment rate of people


aged under 25 jumped from 21 per cent to 51 per cent. Worse, despite fiscal austerity and


debt restructuring,


the


International Monetary Fund estimates that gross public


debt will


be


160


per


cent


of


gross


domestic


product


in


2013,


50


percentage


points


higher than


in


2008.


Moreover,


the


IMF


forecasts


that


the


current


account


deficit




the


balance


of


trade


on


goods


and services



will be more than 7 per cent of GDP this year.


13

< p>
先说希腊。这个国家陷入了厄运循环。失业率从


2008

< br>年


5


月的


7%

< br>飙升至


2012



1

< p>
月的


22%


,同期,


25


岁以下人群失业率从


21%


飙升至


51%


。更糟的是,尽管希腊施行了财政紧缩、进行了债务重组,但


国际货币基金组织


(IMF)


仍估计,


该国公共债务总额与国内生产总值


(GDP)

< br>之比在


2013


年将达到


160 %




2008


年高出


50


个百分点。


IMF


还预测,


今年希腊的经常账户赤字


(商品和服 务贸易余额)


将达到


GDP



7%


以上。




Thus, the economy will be uncompetitive and depressed for years, if not decades. Not


surprisingly,


a


dysfunctional


Greek


polity


has


collapsed.


Politicians


who


believe


they


can


obtain better terms are edging closer to power. This, in turn, creates a big potential


dilemma for Athens



outside supporters: either give Greece more money to alleviate pain,


or stick to the programme and risk its collapse.


14


因此,


希腊经济缺乏竞争力且萎靡不振的局面将持续数年乃至数十年。


运转失灵的希腊政体已


经崩溃,这并不出人意料。那些认为自己能为希腊争取到更优厚条款的政客距掌权越来越 近。这种


局面反过来又使希腊的外部支持者陷入一种潜在的、严峻的两难境地:要么就给 希腊更多的钱,减


轻它的痛苦;要么就冒希腊发生崩溃的风险,坚守原计划。

< p>



So what might a collapse entail?



那么,希腊崩溃可能带来怎样的后果?




As


explained


earlier


in


this


series,


a


cessation


of


external


official


funding


could


trigger


a


disorderly


collapse.


The


government


would


default.


The


European


Central


Bank


would


argue


that Greek banks no longer possess good collateral, which would prevent it from operating


as a lender of last resort. There would be comprehensive bank runs. Athens would impose


exchange controls, introduce a new currency, redenominate domestic contracts and default


on external contracts denominated in euros.


15


如本 系列之前的文章解释过的,如果外部停止提供官方援助资金,希腊可能陷入无序崩溃。希


腊政府将会违约。欧洲央行


(ECB)


会主张,由于希腊银行不 再拥有可靠的抵押品,因此它无法再扮演


最后贷款人的角色。这会引发全面的挤兑。希腊 政府将实施外汇管制、发行新本币、将国内合同的


计价货币改为新本币,并对以欧元计价 的国外合同违约。




This


would


be


chaos.


Unpaid


police


officers


and


soldiers


are


unlikely


to


keep


order.


Looting


and rioting could occur. A coup or civil war would be conceivable. Any new currency would


depreciate and inflation would soar.


16


这将引发动荡。拿不到工资的警员和士 兵不太可能出来维持秩序。希腊可能出现抢劫和骚乱,


政变或内战也并非天方夜谭。新发 行的任何本币都会贬值,通胀将会飙升。




In the medium run, however, order might be restored. Assume Greece managed to bring its


fiscal deficit under control, which is not inconceivable, since the IMF forecasts its


primary


fiscal


deficit


(before


interest)


at


1


per


cent


of


GDP


this


year.


Assume


its


exporters


were able to retain access to the European Union market. Then, as Arvind Subramanian of


the Washington-based Peterson Institute for International Economics argues, Greece might


enjoy a strong (though probably temporary) boom.


17


但从中期来看 ,希腊的秩序也许能得到恢复,只要它满足以下两个条件:将财政赤字降至可控


水平(考 虑到


IMF


预测希腊今年的息前基本财政赤字为


GDP



1%


,这一点并非不 可能实现);出口商


重新打入欧盟


(EU)

市场。


秩序得到恢复后,


如彼得森国际经济研究所


(PIIE)


高级研究员阿文德


?


萨勃


拉曼尼亚


(Arvind Subramani an)


所说的,希腊经济可能出现强劲增长(尽管这个增长很可能是暂时

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