英语词组-别离
TEM-8 Training
主讲
-
赵永刚
2000
TEXT A
Despite Denmark’s manifest
virtues, Danes never talk about how proud they a
re to be Danes. This
would sound weird
in Danish. When Danes talk to foreigners about
Denmark, they always begin
by
commenting
on
its
tininess,
its
unimportance,
the
difficulty
of
its
language,
the
general
small-mindedness
and
self-indulgence
of
their
countrymen
and the
high
taxes.
No
Dane would
look you in the
eye and say
, ―Denmark is a great
country.‖ Y
ou’re supposed to figure
this out for
yourself.
?
It is the land
of the silk safety net, where almost half the
national budget goes toward smoothing
out life’s inequalities, and there is
plenty of money f or schools, day care, retraining
programmes,
job seminars-Danes love
seminars: three days at a study centre hearing
about waste management
is almost as
good as a ski trip. It is a culture bombarded by
English, in advertising, pop music, the
Internet, and despite all the English
that Danish absorbs
—
there is
no Danish Academy to defend
against it
—
old dialects persist in
Jutland that can barely be understood by
Copenhageners. It is
the
land
where,
as
the
saying
goes,―
Fe
w
have
too
much
and
fewer
have
too
little,
‖and
a
foreigner is struck by the sweet
egalitarianism that prevails, where the lowliest
clerk gives you a
level gaze, where Sir
and Madame have disappeared from common usage,
even Mr. and Mrs. It’ s
a
nation
of
recyclers
—
about
55
%
of
Danish
garbage
gets
made
into
something
new
—
and
no
nuclear
power plants. It’s a nation of tireless planner.
Tra
ins run on time. Things operate well
in
general.
?
Such
a
nation
of
overachievers
—
a
brochure from
the
Ministry
of
Business
and Industry
says,
―Denmark is one of the
world’s cleanest and most organize d countries,
with virtually no pollution,
crime, or
poverty
. Denmark is the most
corruption-free soci
ety in the Northern
Hemisphere. ‖So,
of
course,
one’s
heart
lifts
at
any
sighting
of
Danish
sleaze:
skinhead
graffiti
on
buildings(―Foreigners Out
of Denmark! ‖), broken beer bottles in the
gutters, drunken teenagers
slumped in
the park.
?
Nonetheless, it is an orderly land.
Y
ou drive through a Danish town, it
comes to an end at a stone
wall, and on
the other side is a field of barley, a nice clean
line: town here, country there. It is not a
nation of jay-walkers. People stand on
the curb and wait for the
red light to
change, even if it’s 2
a.m.
a
n
d
there’s
not
a
car
in
sight.
However,
Danes
don’
t
think
of
themselves
as
a
waiting-at-2-a.m.-for-the-
green-light people
——that’s how they see
Swedes and Germans. Danes
see
themselves
as
jazzy
people,
improvisers,
more
free
spirited
than
Swedes,
but
the
truth
is(
though one should not say it)that Danes are very
much like Germans and Swedes. Orderliness
is a main selling point. Denmark has
few natural resources, limited manufacturing
capability;
its
future
in
Europe will
be
as
a
broker,
banker,
and
distributor
of
goods.
Y
ou send
your
goods
by
container
ship
to
Copenhagen,
and
these
bright,
young,
English-speaking,
utterly
honest,
highly
disciplined
people
will
get
your
goods
around
to
Scandinavia,
the
Baltic
States,
and
Russia.
Airports, seaports,
highways, and rail lines are ultramodern and well-
maintained.
?
The orderliness of the society doesn’t
mean that Danish lives are less messy or lonely
than yours
or
mine,
and
no
Dane would
tell
you
so.
Y
ou can
hear
plenty
about
bitter family
feuds
and
the
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sorrows
of
alcoholism
and
about
perfectly
sensible
people
who
went
off
one
day
and
killed
themselves. An
orderly society c an not exempt its members from
the hazards of life.
?
But there is a sense of entitlement and
security that Danes grow up with. Certain things
are yours
by virtue of citizenship, and
you shouldn’t feel bad f o r taking what you’re
entitled to, you’re as
good as anyone
else. The rules of the welfare system are clear to
everyone, the benefits you get if
you lose your job, the steps you take
to get a new one; and the orderliness of the
system makes it
possible
for
the
country
to
weather
high
unemployment
and
social
unrest
without
a
sense
of
crisis.
?
16. The author
thinks that Danes adopt a ___ attitude towards
their country.
A. boastful
B. modest C. deprecating D. mysterious
?
17. Which of the following
is NOT a Danish characteristic cited in the
passage?
?
A.
Fondness
of foreign
culture.
B.
Equality
in
society.
?
C.
Linguistic
tolerance.
D.
Persistent
planning.
18.
The author’s reaction to the statement by the
Ministry of Business and Industry is ___.
A. disapproving B.
approving
?C. noncommittal D. doubtful?
19. According to the
passage, Danish orderliness ___.
?
A. sets the people apart
from Germans and Swedes
?
B. spares Danes social troubles
besetting other people
?
C. is considered economically essential
to the country
?
D. prevents Danes from acknowledging
existing troubles
?
20. At the end of the passage the
author states all the following EXCEPT that
___.
?
A. Danes
are clearly informed of their social
benefits
?
B.
Danes take for granted what is given to
them
?
C. the
open system helps to tide the country
over
?
D.
orderliness has alleviated
unemployment
?
TEXT B
But if
language habits do not represent classes, a social
stratification in to something as bygone as
―aristocracy‖
and
―commons‖,
they
do
still
of
course
serve
to
identify
social
groups.
This
is
something that seems fundamental in the
use of language.
As we see in relation
to political and
national movements,
language is used as a badge or a barrier depending
on which way we look at
it.
The
new
boy
at
school
feels
out
of
it
at
first
because
he
does
not
know
the
fight
words for
things,
and
awe-inspiring
pundits
of six
or seven
look
down
on
him
for
no
t
being
aware
that
racksy means
―dilapidated‖, or hairy ―out first ball‖. The
miner takes a certain pride in being ―one
up on the visitor or novice who calls t
h e cage a ―lift‖ or w
ho thinks that
men working in a warm
seam are in their
―underpants‖ when anyone ought to know that the
garments are called hoggers.
The
―insider‖ is seldom displeased that his language
distinguishes him from the ―outsider‖.?
Quite
apart
from
specialized
terms
of
this
kind
in
groups,
trades
and
professions, there
are
all
kinds of
standards of correctness at which mast of us feel
more or less obliged to aim, because we
know that certain kinds of English
invite irritation or downright condemnation. On
the other hand,
we know that other
kinds convey some kind of prestige and bear a
welcome cachet.
?
In relation to the social aspects of
language, it may well be suggested that English
speakers fall
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into
three categories:
the
assured,
the
anxious
and
the
in
different.
At
one
end
of
this
scale, we
have the people who have ―position‖ an
d ―status‖, and
who therefore do not
feel they need worry
much
about
their
use
o
f
English.
Their
education
and
occupation
make
them
confident
of
speaking an unimpeachable form of
English: no fear of being criticized or corrected
is likely t o
cross their minds, and
this gives their speech that characteristically
unselfconscious and easy flow
which is
often envied.
?
At
the
other
end
of
the scale,
we
have
an
equally
imperturbable
band,
speaking
with
a
similar
degree of careless ease, because even
if they are aware that their English is condemned
by others,
they are supremely
indifferent to the fact. The Mrs. Mops of this
world have active and efficient
tongues
in their heads, and if we happened not to like
the/r ways of saying things, well, we ―can
lump it ‖. That is their attitude.
Curiously enough, writers are inclined to
represent t he speech of
both these
extreme parties with -
in’
for
-
ing. On the one hand, ―w
e’re goin’ huntin’, my dear sir‖;
on
the other, ―we’re goin’ racin’ , mate.‖?
In between,
according to this view, we have a far less
fortunate group, the anxious. These actively
try to suppress what they believe to be
bad English an d assiduously cultivate what they
hope to be
good
English.
They
live
their
lives
in
some
degree
of
nervousness
over
their
grammar,
their
pronunciation, and
their choice of words: sensitive, and fearful of
betraying themselves. Keeping
up with
the Joneses is measured not only in houses,
furniture, refrigerators, cars, and clothes, but
also in speech.
?
And
the
misfortune
of
the
―anxious‖
does
not
end with
their
inner
anxiety. Their
lot
is
also
the
open
or
veiled
contempt
of
the
―assured‖
on
one
side
of
them
and
of
the
―indifferent‖
on
the
other.
?
It is all too
easy to raise an unworthy laugh at the anxious.
The people t hus uncomfortably stilted
on linguistic high heels so often form
part of what is, in many ways, the most admirable
section of
any society: the ambitious,
tense, inner-
driven people, who are
bent on― going places and doing
things‖. The
greater the
pity, then, if a disproportionate amount of their
energy goes into what Mr.
Sharpless
called―
this
shabby
obsession‖
with
variant
forms
of
English—
especially
if
the
net
result is(as so
often)merely to sound affected and ridiculous. ―
Here‖, according to Bacon, ―is the
first
distemper
of
learning,
when
men
study
words
and
not
matter
….
It
seems
to
me
that
Pygmalion’ s frenzy is a good emblem
…of this vanity: for words axe but the images of
matter;
and except they have life of
reason and invention, to fall in love with them is
to fall in love with a
picture.‖?
21. The attitude held by
the assured towards language is ___.
?
A. critical B.
anxious
? C. self
-conscious
D. nonchalant
?
22. The anxious are considered a less
fortunate group because ___.
?
A. they feel they are
socially looked down upon
?
B. they suffer from internal anxiety
and external attack
?
C. they are inherently nervous and
anxious people
?
D. they are unable to meet standards of
correctness
?
23.
The author thinks that the efforts made by the
anxious to cultivate w hat they believe is good
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English are ___.
?
A. worthwhile B.
meaningless C. praiseworthy D.
irrational
?
TEXT C
Fred
Cooke of Salford turned 90 two days ago and the
world has been beating a path to his door. If
you
haven’t
noticed,
the
backstreet
boy
educated
at
Blackpool
grammar
st
yles
himself
more
grandly
as
Alastair
Cooke,
broadcaster
extraordinaire.
An
honorable
KBE,
he
would
be
Sir
Alastair if he had not
taken American citizenship more than half a
century ago.
?
If it sounds snobbish to draw attention
to his humble origins, it
should be
reflected that the real
snob
is
Cooke
himself,
who
has spent
a
lifetime
disguising
them.
But
the
fact
that
he
opted
to
renounce
his
British
passport
in
1941
—
just when
his country
needed
all
the
wartime
help
it
could
get-is hardly a matter for
congratulation.
?
Cooke has made a fortune
out of his love affair with America, entrancing
listeners with a weekly
monologue that
has won Radio 4 many devoted adherents. Part of
the pull is the developed drawl.
This
is
the
man who
gave
the
world
―midatlantic‖,
the
langu
age
of
the
disc
jockey
and
public
relations man.
?
He sounds American to us
and English to them, while
in reality
he has for decades belonged to
neither.
Cooke’s
world
is
an
America
that
exists
largely
in
the
imagination.
He
took
ages
to
acknowledge the disaster
that was V
ietnam and even longer to
wake up to Watergate. His politics
have
drifted to the right with age, and most of his
opinions have been acquired on the golf course
with fellow celebrities.
?
He
chased
after
stars
on
arrival
in
America,
Fixing
up
an
interview
with
Charlie
Chaplin
and
briefly becoming his
friend. He told Cooke he could turn him into a
fine light comedian; instead
he is an
impressionist’s dream.?
Cooke liked the sound of his first
wife’s name almost as much as he admire d her
good looks. But
he
found
bringing
up
baby
difficult
and
left
her
for
the wife
of
his
landlord.
?
Women
listeners
were
unimpressed
when,
in
1996,
he
declared
on
air
that
the
fact
that
4%
of
women
in
the
American armed forces
were raped showed remarkable
self-
restraint on the part of Uncle
Sam’s
soldiers. His arrogance in not
allowing
BBC editors to see his script
in advance worked, not for
the first
time, to his detriment. His defenders said he
could not help living with the 1930s values
he
had
acquired
and
s
omewhat
dubiously
went
on
to
cite
―gallantry‖
as
chief
among
them.
Cooke’s
raconteur style
encouraged
a whole
generation
of
BBC
men
to
think
of
themselves
as
more
important than
the
story.
His
treacly
tones were
the
mo
del
for
the
regular
World
Service
reports
From
Our
Own
Correspondent,
known
as
FOOCs
in
the
business.
They
may
yet
be
his
epitaph.
?
24. At the
beginning of the passage the writer sounds
critical of ___.
?
A. Cooke’s obscure origins?
B. Cooke’s broadcasting style?
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C. Cooke’s American
citiz
enship
?
D. Cooke’s fondness of America?
25. The following
adjectives can be suitably applied to Cooke EXCEPT
___.
?
A. old-
fashioned B. sincere
? C. arrogant D.
popular?
26. The writer
comments on Cooke’s life and career in a slightly
___ tone.?
A. ironic B.
detached
?C. scathing D. indifferent
TEXT D
Mr. Duffy raised his eyes
from the paper and gazed out of his window on the
cheerless evening
landscape. The river
lay quiet beside the empty distillery and from
time to time a light appeared in
some
house on Lucan Road. What an end! The whole
narrative of her death revolted him and it
revolted him to think that he had ever
spoken to her of what he held sacred. The cautious
words of
a reporter won over to conceal
the details of a commonplace vulgar death
attacked his stomach.
Not
merely had she degraded herself, she had degraded
him. His soul’s companion! He thought of
the hobbling wretches whom he had seen
carrying cans and bottles to be filled by the
barman. Just
God, what an end!
Evidently she had been
unfit to live,
without any strength of purpose, an easy
prey to habits, one of the wrecks on
which civilization has been reared. But that she
could have
sunk so low! Was it possible
he had deceived himself so utterly about her? He
remembered her
outburst
of
that
night
and
interpreted
it
in
a
harsher
sense
than
he
had
ever
done.
He
had
no
difficulty
now in approving of the course he had
taken.
?
As the light failed and his memory
began to wander he thought her hand touched his.
The shock
which had first attacked his
stomach was now attacking his nerves. He put on
his overcoat and hat
quickly and went
out. The cold air met him on the threshold; it
crept into the sleeves of his coat.
When he came to the public house at
Chapel Bridge he went in and ordered a hot
punch.
?
The
proprietor
served
him
obsequiously
but
did
not
venture
to
talk.
There
were
five
or
six
working-
men
in the shop discussing the value of a gentleman’s
e state in County
Kildare. They
drank
at
intervals
from
their
huge
pint
tumblers,
and
smoked,
spitting
often
on
the
floor
and
sometimes dragging the sawdust over
their heavy boots. Mr. Duffy sat on his stool and
gazed at
them, without seeing o r
hearing them. After a while they went out and he
called for another punch.
He
sat
a
long
time
over
it.
The
shop
was
very
quiet.
The
proprietor
sprawled
on
the
counter
reading the newspaper and yawning. Now
and again a tram was heard swishing along the
lonely
road outside.
?
As he sat
there, living over his life with her and evoking
alternately the two images on which he
now conceived
her,
he
realized
that
she
was
dead,
that
s
he
had ceased
to
exist,
that
she
had
become a memory. He
began to feel ill at ea se. He asked himself what
else could he have done.
He could not
have lived with her openly. He had done what
seemed to him best. How was he to
blame? Now that s he was gone he
understood how lonely her
life must
have been, sitting night
after
night
alone
in
that
room.
His
life
would
be
lonely
too
until
he,
too,
died,
ceased
to
exist,
became a memory-if anyone remembered
him.
?
27. Mr.
Duffy’s immediate
reaction to the report of the woman’s death was
that of ___.
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A. disgust B. guilt C. grief D.
compassion
?
28.
It can be inferred from the passage that the
reporter wrote about the woman’s death in a ___
manner.
?
A. detailed B. provocative C. discreet
D. sensational
?
29. We can infer from the last
paragraph that Mr. Duffy was in a(n) ___
mood.
?
A. angry
B. fretful C. irritable D. remorseful
?
30. According to the
passage, which of the following statements is NOT
true?
?
A. Mr. Duffy once confided in the
woman.
?
B. Mr.
Duffy felt an intense sense of shame.
?
C. The woman wanted to end
the relationship.
?
D. They became estranged probably after
a quarrel.
2001
TEXT A
―Twenty
years
ago,
Blackpool
turned
its
back
on
the
sea
and
tried
to
make
itself
into
an
entertainment centre. ‖
say Robin Wood, a local official. ―Now t he
thinking is that we should try,
to
refocus
on
the
sea
and
make
Blackpool
a
family
destination
again.‖
To
say
that
Blackpool
neglected
the
sea
is
to
put
it
mildly.
In
1976
the
European
Community,
as
it
then
was called,
instructed
member
nations
to
make
their
beaches
conform
to
certain
minimum
standards
of
cleanliness within ten years. Britain,
rather than complying, took the novel strategy of
contending
that many of its most
popular beaches were not swimming beaches at all.
Be cause of Britain’s
climate
the
sea-
bathing
season
is
short,
and
most
people
don
’
t
go
in
above
their
knees
anyway-
and hence can’t
really be said to be swimming. By averaging out
th
e number of people
actually swimming across 365 days of
the y ear, the government was able to persuade
itself, if no
one else, that Britain ha
d hardly any real swimming beaches.
?
As
one
environmentalist
put
it
to
me:
―Y
ou
had
the
ludicrous
situation
in
which
Luxembourg had mere
listed public bathing beaches than the whole of
the United Kingdom. It was
preposterous.‖?
Meanwhile,
Blackpool
continued
to
discharge
raw
sewage
straight
into
the
se
a.
Finally
after
much
pressure from
both
environmental
groups
and
the
European
Union,
the
local
water
authority
built
a
new
waste-treatment
facility
for
the
who
le
of
Blackpool
and
neighboring
communities.
The
facility
came
online
in
June
1
996.
For
the
first
time
since
the
industrial
revolution
Blackpool’s waters are safe to swim in.?
That
done,
the
town
is
now
turning
its
attention
to
making
the
sea-
front
mere
visually
attractive. The promenade, once a
rather elegant place to stroll, ha d become
increasingly tatty and
neglected. ―It
was built in
Victorian times and needed
a thorough overhaul anyway, ‖says Wood,
―so we decided to make aesthetic
improvements at the same time, to try to draw
people back to it.‖
Blackpool recently
spent about .4 million building new kiosks for
vendors and improving seating
around
the Central Pier and plans to spend a further $$ 15
million on various amenity projects.
?
The
most
striking
thing
about
Blackpool
these
days
compared with
20
years
a
go
is
how
empty
its
beaches
are.
When
the
tide
is
out,
Blackpool’s
beaches
are
a
vast
plain
of
beckoning
sand. They
look
spacious
enough
to
accommodate
comfortably
the
entire
populace
of
northern
England. Ken
Welsby remembers days when, as he puts
it,― you couldn’t lay down a handkerchief
on this beach, it was that crowded.‖?
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Welsby comes from Preston,
20 miles down the road, and has been visiting
Blackpool all his
life.
Now
retired,
he
had
come
for
the
day
with
his
wife,
Kitty,
and
their
three
young
grandchildren who were gravely absorbed
in building a sandcastle. ―Two hundred thousand
people
they’d have on this beach
sometimes.‖ Welsby said. ―Y
ou can’t
imagine it now,
can you?‖?
Indeed I could
not. Though it was a bright sunny day in the
middle of summer. I counted
just 13
people scattered along a half mile or so of open
sand. Except for those rare times when hot
weather and a public holiday coincide,
it is like this nearly always now.
?
―Y
ou
can’t
imagine
how
exciting
it was
to come
here
for
the
day when we were
young.‖
Kitty
said.
―Even
from
Preston,
it was
a
big
treat.
Now
children
don ’t
want the
beach.
They
want arcade games and
rides in helicopters and goodness
knows
what else.‖ She stared out over
the
glittery water. ―We’ll never see those days again.
It’s sad really.‖?
―But your grandchildren seem to be
enjoying it,‖ I pointed out.?
―For the moment, ‖Ken said.
―For the moment.‖?
Afterward I went for a long walk along
the empty beach, then went back to the town centre
and treated myself to a large portion
of fish-and-chips wrapped in paper. The way they
cook it in
Blackpool, it isn’t so much
a meal as an invitation to a heart attack, but it
was d
elic
ious. Far out
over the sea the sun was setting with
such splendor that I would almost have sworn I
could hear
the water hiss where it
touched.
?
Behind
me
the
lights
of
Blackpool
Tower
were
just
twinkling
on,
and
the
streets
were
beginning to fill with happy evening
throngs. In the purply light of dusk the town
looked peaceful
and happy
—
enchanting even
—
and there was an engaging
air of expectancy, of fun about to
happen. Somewhat to my surprise, I
realized that this place was beginning to grow on
me.
?
11. At the
beginning, the passage seems to suggest that
Blackpool ___.
A. will
continue to remain as an entertainment
centre
?
B.
complie
d with EC’s standards of
clearliness?
C. had no
swimming beaches all along
?
D. is planning to revive its former
attraction
?
12.
The word
―
preposterous
‖
in the second paragraph probably
means
A. lucrative
B. ridiculous
C.
prosperous
D.
judicious
13. We can learn from the
passage that Blackpool used to ___.
?
A. have as many beaches as
Luxembourg
?
B.
have seriously polluted drinking water
?
C. boast some imposing
seafront sights
?
D. attract few domestic holiday
makers
?
14
. What Blackpool’s
beach
es strike visitors most is their
___.
?
A.
emptiness
B. cleanliness
C.
modernity
D. monotony
15. It seems that the author has a
feeling of ____ for Blackpool.
A.
intimacy
B. fondness
C. perplexity
D. anguish
TEXT B
Pundits who want to sound judicious are
fond of warning against generalizing. Each country
is
different,
they
say,
and
no
one
story
fits
all
of
Asia.
This
is,
of
course,
silly:
all
of
these
economies plunged into economic crisis
within a few months of each other, so they must
have had
something in
common.
?
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In fact, the logic of
catastrophe was pretty much the same in Thailand,
Malaysia, Indonesia
and
South
Korea. (Japan
is
a
very
different story
.
) In
each ca
se <
/p>
investors
——
mainly,
but
not
entirely,
foreign banks who had made short-term
loans
——
all tried to pull
their money out at the
same time. The
result was a combined banking and currency crisis:
a banking crisis because no
bank
can
convert
all
its
assets
into
cash
on
short
notice;
a
currency
crisis
because
panicked
investors were trying not only to
convert long-term assets into cash, but to convert
baht or rupiah
into
dollars.
In
the
face
of
the
stampede,
governments
had
no
good
options.
If
they
let
their
currencies
plunge
inflation
would
soar
and
companies
that
had
borrowed
in
dollars
would
go
bankrupt;
if
they
tried
to
support
their currencies
by
pushing
up
interest
rates,
the same
firms
would probably go bust from the
combination of debt burden and recession. In
practice, countries’
split the
difference
——
and paid a
heavy price regardless.
?
Was
the
crisis
a
punishment
for
bad
economic
management?
Like
most
cliches,
the
catchphrase― crony capitalism‖ has
prospered because it gets at something real:
excessively cozy
relationships
between
government
and
business really
did
lead
to
a
lot
of
bad
investments.
The
still primitive
financial structure of Asia n business also made
the economies peculiarly vulnerable
to
a loss of confidence . But the punishment was
surely disproportionate to the crime, and many
investments that look foolish in
retrospect seemed sensible at the
time.
?
Given that there were no good policy
options, was the policy response mainly on the
fight
track? There was frantic blame-
shifting when everything in Asia seemed to be
going wrong: now
there
is
a
race
to
claim
credit
when
some
things
have
started
to
go
right.
The
international
Monetary Fund
points to Korea’s recovery——
and more generally to the fact that the
sky didn’t
fall after all
——
a s
proof that its policy recommendations
were right. Never mind that other
IMF
clients have done far worse, and that the economy
of Malaysia
——
which refused
IM F help,
and horrified respectable
opinion by imposing capital controls
——
also seems to be on the
mend.
Malaysia’s
prime
Minister,
by
contrast,
claims
full
credit
for
any
good
news——
even
though
neighbouring economies also seem to
have bottomed out.
?
The truth is
that an observer without any ax to grind would
probably conclude that none of
the
policies adopted either on or in defiance of the
IMF’s adv ice made much difference
either way
.
Budget policies, interest rate
policies, ban king reform
——
whatever countries tried, just about
all
the
capital
that
could
flee,
did.
And
when
there
was
no
mere
money
to
run,
the
natural
recuperative
powers
of
the
economies
finally
began
to
prevail.
At
best,
the
money
doctors
who
purported
to
offer
cures
provided
a
helpful
bedside
manner;
at
worst,
they were
like
medieval
physicians who
prescribed bleeding as a remedy for all
ills.
?
Will
the
patients
stage
a
full
recovery?
It
depends
on
exactly what
you
me
an
by
―full‖.
South Korea’s
industrial production is already above its
pre
-crisis level; but in the spring of
1997
anyone who had predicted zero
growth in Korea n industry
over the
next two years would have
been regarded
as a reckless doomsayer. So if by recovery you
mean not just a return to growth, but
one that brings the region’s
performance back to something like what people
used to regard as the
Asian norm, they
have a long way to go.
?
16
. According to the
passage, which of the following is NOT the
writer’s opinion??
A.
Countries paid a heavy price for whichever measure
taken.
?
B.
Countries all found themselves in an economic
dilemma.
?
C.
Withdrawal of foreign capital resulted in the
crisis.
?
D. Most
governments chose one of the two
options.
?
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17. The writer thinks that those Asian
countries ___.
?
A. well deserved the
punishment
?
B.
invested in a senseless way at the
time
?
C. were
unduly punished in the crisis
?
D. had bad relationships
between government and business
?
18. It can be inferred from
the passage that IMF policy recommendations
___.
?
A. were far from a panacea
in all cases
?
B.
were feasible in their recipient
countries
?
C.
failed to work in their recipient
countries
?
D.
were rejected unanimously by Asian
countries
?
19.
All of the following terms might refer to the same
group of people EXCEPT_____
A. IMF advisors.
B.
money doctors
C. economic pundits
D.
medieval physicians.
20. At the end of
the passage, the writer seems to think that a full
recovery of the Asian economy
is
___.
?
A. due
B.
remote
C. imaginative
D. unpredictable
21. Which of the following
might be the best title for the passage?
A. Are Pundits Right?
B. Has
Asia Recovered?
C. Has IMF Done Right?
D. Who Should Be Blamed?
TEXT C
Human
migration: the term is vague. What people usually
think of is the permanent movement
of
people
from
one
home
to
another.
More
broadly,
though,
migration
means
all
the
ways
——
from
the
seasonal
drift
of
agricultural
workers
within
a
country
to
the
relocation
of
refugees from one country
to another.
?
Migration is big, dangerous,
compelling. It is 60 million Europeans leaving
home from the
16th
to
the
20th
centuries.
It
is
some
15
million
Hindus,
Skihs,
and
Muslims
swept
up
in
a
tumultuous shuffle of citizens between
India and Pakis tan after the partition of the
subcontinent in
1947.
?
Migration is
the dynamic undertow of population change:
everyone’s solution , everyone’s
conflict.
As
the
century
turns,
migration,
with
its
inevitable
economic
and
political
turmoil,
has
been called― one of the
greatest challenges of the coming
century
.‖
But
it is much more than that. It is, as has always
been, the great adventure of human life.
Migration
helped
create
humans,
drove
us
to
conquer
the
planet,
shaped
our
societies,
and
promises to reshape them
again.
?
―Y
ou have a history book
written in your genes, ‖said Spencer Wells. The
book he’s trying
to read goes back to
long before even the first word was written , and
it is a story of migration.
?
Wells,
a
tall,
blond
geneticist
at Stanford
University,
spent
the
summer
of
1998
exploring
remote parts of Transcaucasia and
Central Asia with three colleagues in a Land
Rover, looking for
drops of blood. In
the blood, donated by the people he met, he will
search for the story that genetic
markers can tell of the long paths
human life has taken across the Earth.
?
Genetic studies are the
latest
technique in a long effort of modern humans t o
find out where they have come from. But
however the paths are traced, the basic
story is simple: people have been moving since
they were
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people. If early humans hadn’t moved
a
nd intermingled as much as they did,
they probably would
have continued to
evolve into different species. From beginnings in
Africa, most researchers agree,
groups
of hunter-gatherers spread out, driven to the ends
of the Earth.
?
To demographer Kings
ley
Davis, two things made migration happen. First,
hum an beings,
with
their
tools
and
language,
could
adapt
to
different
conditions
without
having
to
wait
for
evolution to make them suitable for a
new niche. Second, as populations grew, cultures
began to
differ, and inequalities
developed between groups. The first factor gave us
the keys to the door of
any room on the
planet; the other gave us reasons to use
them.
?
Over
the centuries,
as
agriculture
spread
across
the
planet,
people
moved
toward
places
where
metal
was
found
and worked
and
to
centres
of commerce that
then
became cities. Those
places were, in turn, invaded and
overrun by people later generations called
barbarians.
?
In between these storm surges were
steadier but similarly profound fides in which
people
moved out to colonize or were
captured and brought in as slaves. F or a while
the population of
Athens, that city of
legendary enlightenment was as much as 35 percent
slaves.
?
―What strikes
me
is
how
important
migration
is
as
a cause
and
effect
in
the
great world
events. ‖Mark
Miller, co
-author of The Age of
Migration and a professor of political science at
the
University of Delaware, told me
recently.
?
It is difficult to think of any great
events that did not involve migration. Religions
spawned
pilgrims
or
settlers;
wars
drove
refugees
before
them
and
ma
de
new
land
available
for
the
conquerors;
political
upheavals
displaced
thousand
s
or
millions;
economic
innovations
drew
workers and entrepreneurs like magnets;
environmental disasters
like famine or disease pushed
their
bedraggled
survivor
s
anywhere
they
could
replant
hope.
?
―It’s
part
of
our
nature,
this
movement,‖ Miller said,
―It’s just a fact of
the
human condition.‖?
22.
Which of the following statements is
INCORRECT?
?
A.
Migration exerts a great impact on population
change.
?
B.
Migration contributes to Mankind’s progress.?
C. Migration brings about
desirable and undesirable effects.
?
D. Migration may not be
accompanied by human conflicts.
?
23. The book Spencer Wells
is trying to read is
A. a history
textbook
B. a
story of genetic markers
C. a story of
African migration
D. genetic markers on migration
24. According to Kingsley Davis,
migration occurs as a result of the following
reasons EXCEPF
___.
?
A.
human
adaptability
B.
human
evolution
?
C.
cultural
differences
D.
inter-group inequalities
25. Which of the following groups is
NOT mentioned as migrants in the passage?
?
A.
Farmers.
B. Workers.
C. Settlers.
D. Colonizers.
?
26. There seems to be a(n)
___ relationship between great events an d
migration.
?
A.
loose
B. indefinite
C.
causal
D. remote
?
TEXT D
?
How
is
communication
actually
achieved?
It
depends,
of
course,
either
on
a
common
language
or
on
known
conventions,
or
at
least
on
the
beginnings
of
these.
If
the
common
language and the conventions exist, the
contributor, for example, the creative artist, the
performer,
or the reporter, tries to
use them as well as he can. But often, especially
with original artists and
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thinkers, the problem is in one way
that of creating a language, or creating a
convention, or at leas
t of developing
the
language and conventions to the
point where they are capable of bearing his
precise
meaning. In
literature,
in
music,
in
the
visual
arts,
in
the sciences,
in
social
thinking,
in
philosophy, this kind of
development has occurred again and again. It often
takes a long time to
get
through,
and for
many
people
it
will
remain
difficult.
But
we
need
never
think
that
it
is
impossible; creative energy is much
more powerful than we sometimes suppose. While a
man
is
engaged in this
struggle to say new things in new ways, he is
usually more than ever concentrated
on
the
actual
work,
and
not
on
its
possible
audience.
Many
artists
and
scientists
share
this
fundamental unconcern
about the ways in which their work will be
received. They may be glad if
it is
understood and appreciated,
hurt if it is not, but while the work
is being done there can be
no argument.
T he thing has to come out as the man himself sees
it.
?
In this sense it is true that it is the
duty of society to create condition s in which
such men
can
live.
For whatever the
value
of
any
individual
contribution,
the
general
body
of
work
is
of
immense value to everyone. But of
course things are not so formal, in reality. There
is not society
on
the
one
hand
and
these
individuals
on
the
other.
In
ordinary
living,
and
in
his
work,
the
contributor
shares in the life of his society,
which often affects him both in minor ways and in
ways sometimes so deep that he is not
even aware of them. His ability to make his work
public
depends on the actual
communication system: the language its elf, or
certain visual or musical or
scientific
conventions, and the institution s through which
the communication will be passed. The
effect
of
these
on
his
actual
work
can
be
almost
infinitely
variable.
For
it
is
not
only
a
communication
system
outside
him;
it
is
also,
however
original
he
may
be,
a
communication
system which
is in fact part of himself. Many contributors make
active use of this kind of internal
communication system. It is to
themselves, in a way, that they first show their
conceptions, play
their
music,
present
their
arguments.
Not
only
as
a way
of
getting
these clear,
in
the
process
of
almost endless testing that active
composition involves. But also, whether
consciously or not, as a
way of putting
the experience into a communicable form. If one
mind has grasped it, then it may
be
open to other minds.
?
In this deep
sense, the society is in some ways already present
in the act of composition.
This is
always very difficult to understand, but often,
when we
have the advantage
of looking
back at a period, we can
see, even if we cannot explain, how
this was so. We can see how much
even highly original
individuals ha d in common, in their
actual work, and in what is called their
―structure of feeling‖, with other
individual workers of the time, and with the
society of that time
to which they
belonged. The historian is also continually struck
by the fact that men of this kind
felt
isolated at the very time when in reality they
were beginning to get through. This can also be
noticed
in
our
own
time, when
some
of
the most
deeply
influential
men
feel
isolated
and
even
rejected.
The
society
an
d
the
communication
are
there,
but
it
is
difficult
to
recognize
them,
difficult to be
sure.
?
27.
Creative artists and thinkers achieve
communication by ___.
?
A. depending on shared
conventions
?
B.
fashioning their own conventions
?
C. adjusting their personal
feelings
?
D.
elaborating a common language
?
28. A
common
characteristic of artists and scientists involved
in creative work is that
___.
A. they cave about the
possible reaction to their work
?
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B. public response is one of the
primary conceits
?
C. they are keenly aware of public
interest in their work
?
D. they are indifferent toward response
to their work
?
29. According to the passage, which of
the following statements is INCORRECT?
?
A. Individual contributions
combined possess great significance to the
public.
?
B. Good
contributors don’t neglect the use of internal
communication system.?
C.
Everyone except those original people comes under
the influence of society.
?
D. Knowing how to communicate is
universal among human beings.
?
30. It is implied at the
end of the passage that highly original
individuals feel isolated because they
___.
?
A. fail to acknowledge and use an
acceptable form of communication
?
B. actually differ from
other individuals in the same period
?
C. have little in common
with the society of the time
?
D. refuse to admit
parallels between themselves and the society
2004
TEXT A
Farmers in the
developing world hate price fluctuations. It makes
it hard to plan ahead. But most
of them
have little choice: they sell at the price the
market sets. Farmers in Europe, the U.S. and
Japan are luckier: they receive massive
government subsidies in the form of guaranteed
prices or
direct
handouts.
Last
month
U.S.
President
Bush
signed
a
new
farm
bill
that
gives
American
farmers $$190 billion over the next 10
years, or $$83 billion more than they had been
scheduled to
get, and pushes U.S.
agricultural support close to crazy European
levels. Bush said the step was
necessary to ―promote farmer
independence and preserve the farm way of life for
generations‖. It
is also designed to
help the Republican Party win control of the
Senate in November’s
mid
?
term
elections.
?
Agricultural production in
most poor countries accounts for up to 50% of
GDP
, compared to
only
3%
in rich
countries.
But
most
farmers
in
poor
countries
grow
jus
t
enough
for themselves
and
their families. Those
who try exporting to the West find their goods
whacked with huge tariffs or
competing
against cheaper subsidized goods. In 1999 the
United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development
concluded
that
for
each
dollar
developing
countries
receive
in
aid
they
lose
up
to
$$14 just because of trade barriers
imposed on the export of their manufactured goods.
It’s not as if
the developing world
wan
ts any favours, says Gerald
Ssendwula, Uganda’s Minister of Finance.
―What we want is for the rich countries
to let us compete.‖
?
Agriculture is one of the
few areas in which the Third World can compete.
Land and labour are
cheap, and as
farming methods develop, new technologies should
improve output. This is no pie
< br>in
?
the
?
sky speculation. The biggest success in
Kenya
’
s economy over the
past decade has
been the boom in
exports of cut flowers and vegetables to Europe.
But that may all change in 2008,
when
K
enya will be slightly too rich to
qualify for the
―least
?
developed
country
”
status
that
allows
African
producers
to
avoid
paying
stiff
European
import
duties
on
selected
agricultural
products. With trade barriers in place,
the horticulture industry in Kenya will shrivel as
quickly as
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a discarded rose. And while agriculture
exports remain the great hope for poor countries,
reducing
trade barriers in other
sectors also works: Americas African Growth and
Opportunity Act, which
cuts
duties
on
exports
of
everyth
ing
from
handicrafts
to
shoes,
has
proved
a
boon
to
Africa’s
manufacturers. The lesson: the Third
World can prosper if the rich world gives it a
fair go.
?
This is what makes Bush’s decision to
increase farm subsidies last month all the more
depressing.
Poor countries
have
long
suspected
that
the
rich world
urges
rade
liberalization
only
so
it
can
wangle
its way
into
new
markets.
Such suspicions
caused the
Seattle
trade
talks
to
break
down
three years ago. But
last November members of the World Trade
Organization, meeting in Doha,
Qatar,
finally agreed to a new round of talks designed to
open up global trade in agriculture and
textiles. Rich countries assured poor
countries, that their concerns were finally being
addressed.
Bush’s handout last month
makes a lie of America’s commitment to those talks
and his personal
devotion to free
trade.
?
16. By
comparison, farmers ____ receive more government
subsidies than others.
?
A. in the developing world
Japan
Europe
America
?
addition to the economic considerations, there is
a ____ motive behind Bush’s signing of the
new farm bill.
?
an
ial
al
?
message the writer attempts to convey throughout
the passage is that ____.
?
countries should be given equal
opportunities in trade
?
B.―the
least
?
developed
country
”
status
benefits agricultural
countries
?
countries should remove their suspicions about
trade liberalization
?
s in poor countries should also receive
the benefit of subsidies
?
writer’s
attitude towards new farm subsidies in the U.S. is
____.
?
able
ous
al
ed
??
TEXT B
Oscar Wilde said that work
is the refuge of people who have nothing better to
do. If so, Americans
are
now
among
the world’s
saddest refugees.
Factory
workers
in
the
United
States
are
working
longer hours than at any time
in the past half
?
century.
America once led the rich world in cutting
the average working
week
—
from 70 hours in 1850
to less than 40 hours by the 1950s. It seemed
natural
that
as
people
grew
richer
they
would
trade
extra
earnings
for
more
leisure.
Since
the
1970s, however, the
hours clocked up by American workers have risen,
to an average of 42 this
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year in
manufacturing.
?
Several studies suggest that something
similar is happening outside manufacturing:
Americans are
spending more time at
work than they did 20 years ago. Executives and
lawyers boast of
80
?
hour weeks. On holiday,
they seek out fax machines and phones as eagerly
as Germans bag the
best
sun<
/p>
?
loung
ers.
Y
et
working
time
in
Europe
and
Japan
continues
to
fall.
In
Germany’s
engineering
industry
the working
week
is
to
be
trimmed
from
36
to
35
hours
next
year.
Most
Germans get six weeks’
paid annual holiday; even the Japanese now take
three weeks. Americans
still make do
with just two.
?
Germany responds to this contrast with
its usual concern ab
out whether
people’s aversion to work
is
damaging
its
competitiveness.
Y
et
German
workers,
like
the
Japanese,
seem
to
be
acting
sensibly:
as their
incomes
rise,
they can
achieve
a
better
standard
of
living
with
fewer
hours
of
work. The puzzle is why
Americ
a, the world’s richest country,
sees things differently. It is a puzzle
with sinister social implications.
Parents spend less time with their children, who
may be left alone
at home for longer.
Is it just a coincidence that juvenile crime is on
the rise?
?
Some explanations
for America
’
s
time at work fail to stand up to scrutiny. One
blames weak trade unions that leave
workers open to exploitation. Are
workers being forced by
cost
?
cutting firms to toil
harder just
to keep their jobs?
A
recent study by two American
economists, Richard Freeman and Linda Bell,
suggests not: when asked, Americans
actually want to work longer hours. Most German
workers,
in contrast, would rather work
less.
?
Then, why do Americans want to work
harder? One reason may be that the real earnings
of many
Americans have been stagnant or
falling during the past two decades. People work
longer merely
to
maintain
their
living
standards.
Y
et
many
higher
skilled
workers,
who
have
enjoyed
big
increases in their real
pay, have been working harder too. Also, one
reason for the slow growth of
wages
has
been
the
rapid
growth
in
employment
—
which
is
more
or
less
where
the
argument
began.
?
Taxes may
have something to do with it. People who work an
extra hour in America are
allowed to
keep more of their money than those who do the
same in Germany. Falls in marginal
tax
rates in America since the 1970s have made it all
the more profitable to
work
longer.
?
None
of
these answers really explains why the
century
?
long decline
in working hours has gone into
reverse in America but not elsewhere
(though Britain shows signs of following
America
’
s lead).
Perhaps cultural
differences
—
the last refuge
of the defeated
economist
—
are at play.
Economists
used to believe that once
workers earned enough to provide for their basic
needs and allow for a
few luxuries,
their incentive to work would be eroded, like
lions relaxing after a kill. But humans
are more susce
ptible to
advertising than
lions. Perhaps clever
marketing has ensured that ―basic
needs‖—
for
a
shower with
built
?
in
TV
,
for
a
rocket
?
propelled
car
—
expand
continuously.
Shopping is
already one of America
’
s
most popular pastimes. But it requires
money
—
hence more
work and less
leisure.
?
Or try this: the
television is not very good, and baseball and
hockey keep
being wiped out by strikes.
Perhaps Wilde was right. Maybe Americans have
nothing better to do.
?
the United States, working longer
hours is ____.
?
ed to the manufacturing industry
B.a traditional practice in some
sectors
?
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ent in all sectors of society
ed by the
economists
?
ing
to the third paragraph, which might be one of the
consequences of working longer
hours?
?
in employees’ working
efficiency.
in the number
of young offenders.
?
in people’s living
standa
rds.
in
competitiveness.
?
of the following is the cause of
working longer hours stated by
the
writer?
?
ion of
basic needs.
al
differences.
?
se
in real earnings.
ising.
??
TEXT C
The fox really
exasperated
them both. As soon as they
had let the fowls out, in the early summer
mornings, they had to take their guns
and keep guard; and then again as soon as evening
began to
mellow,
they
must
go
once
more.
And
he was
so sly.
He
slid
along
in
the
deep
grass;
he
was
difficult
as
a
serpent
to see.
And
he
seemed to
circumvent
the
girls
deliberately.
Once
or
twice
March
had caught sight of the white tip of his brush, or
the ruddy shadow of him in the deep grass,
and she had let fire at him. But he
made no account of this.
The
trees on the wood
edge were
a
darkish, brownish green in the full
light
—
for it was the end of
August. Beyond, the naked, copper
like
shafts
and
limbs
of
the
pine
trees
shone
in
the
air.
Nearer
the
rough
grass, with
its
long,
brownish stalks all
agleam, was full of light. The fowls were round
about
—
the ducks were still
swimming on the pond under the pine
trees. March looked at it all, saw it all, and did
not see it.
She
heard
Banford
speaking
to
the
fowls
in
the
distance
—
and
she
did
not
hear.
What was
she
thinking about? Heaven
knows. Her consciousness was, as it were, held
back.
?
She lowered her
eyes, and suddenly saw the fox. He was
looking up at her.
His chin was pressed
down, and his
eyes were looking up.
They met her eyes. And he knew her. She was
spellbound
—
she knew he
knew her. So he looked into her eyes,
and her soul failed her. He knew her, he has not
daunted.
?
She
struggled, confusedly
she
came to
herself,
and
saw
him
making
off, with
slow
leaps
over
some fallen boughs, slow, impudent
jumps. Then he glanced over his shoulder, and ran
smoothly
away. She saw his brush held
smooth like a feather, she saw his white buttocks
twinkle. And he
was gone, softly, soft
as the wind.
?
She
put
her
gun to
her
shoulder,
but
even
then
pursed
her
mouth,
knowing
it was
nonsense
to
pretend
to
fire.
So
she
began
to
walk
slowly
after
him,
in
the
direction
he
had
gone,
slowly,
pertinaciously. She expected to find
him. In her heart she was determined to find him.
What she
would do when she saw him
again she did not consider. But she was determined
to find him. So
she walked
abstractedly
about
on
the
edge
of
the
wood, with
wide,
vivid
dark
eyes,
and
a
faint
flush in her cheeks.
She did not think. In strange mindlessness she
walked hither and
thither...
?
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